厦门PX散步Xiamen PX Walk
项目背景：厦门PX散步，指的是二〇〇七年福建省厦门市市民反对在海沧区兴建对二甲苯（PX）工厂而走上街头的事件。PX是生产聚酯纤维、塑料瓶和薄膜的化工原料，当时国内自给率不足一半，大量依赖进口。承担项目的是腾龙芳烃（厦门）有限公司，属台资翔鹭集团体系：二〇〇六年七月，项目获国家发展和改革委员会批准，总投资约一百零八亿元，规划年产PX八十万吨，列入国家「十一五」PX产业规划，是当时规划中的大型PX项目之一。厂址定在海沧台商投资区南部工业区。地方上把这个项目称作厦门「有史以来最大的工业项目」，按当时报道的测算，投产后每年可带来约八百亿元的产值。问题在于，厦门不是一座以重化工立市的城市：它以鼓浪屿、海岛风光和宜居环境闻名，二〇〇四年还得过联合国人居奖。一个巨型化工厂要落在离岛不远的海沧，这个反差，是后来一切争议的起点。Background: The Xiamen PX Walk was the 2007 protest in which residents of Xiamen, Fujian, took to the streets against a paraxylene (PX) plant planned for Haicang District. PX is the feedstock for polyester fiber, plastic bottles and film; at the time China produced less than half of what it used and imported the rest. The investor was Dragon Aromatics (Xiamen) Co., part of the Taiwan-funded Xianglu Group. In July 2006 the National Development and Reform Commission approved the project: about 10.8 billion yuan of investment, a planned 800,000 tonnes of PX a year, and a place in the national PX plan of the 11th Five-Year Plan, making it one of the largest PX projects then on the drawing board. The site was the southern industrial zone of the Haicang Taiwan Investment Zone. Local boosters called it the largest industrial project in Xiamen's history, with contemporary reports projecting some 80 billion yuan in annual output once it ran. But Xiamen was not a heavy-chemical city: famous for Gulangyu Island, its coastline and its livability — it had won a UN-Habitat award in 2004 — it was now to host a giant chemical plant a short distance offshore from the island. That mismatch is where the whole dispute begins.
选址之争：距离数字从一开始就打架：这个项目最先点燃公众的，是距离。各方给出的数字从一开始就不一致，至今也没有统一口径。政协提案的说法是：厂址距最近的居民区仅一点五公里，距厦门岛市中心和鼓浪屿约七公里，周边是人口密集的海沧生活区，在建和已建成的小区里住着数以万计的居民，「未来海岸」等大型楼盘就在厂区不远处，附近还有多所中小学，事后有报道提到学校担心生源受影响、房主集体要求退房。另一种流传很广的说法来自那条著名的动员短信，称厂址距市区十六公里；新华社的英文报道同样用了距市中心约十六公里（一说十英里）的表述。两个数字量得其实不是同一个点：一个量厂界到最近居民楼，一个量厂区到岛内中心。但在二〇〇七年春天的厦门，普通市民听到的版本只有一个意思：化工厂离我家很近。至于短信中「国际组织规定这类项目须离城市一百公里」的说法，本站在公开标准文件中没有找到对应原文，按未核处理，详见文末核实说明。The siting dispute: the numbers never agreed: What first alarmed the public was distance, and the figures never matched — then or since. The CPPCC proposal put the plant just 1.5 kilometres from the nearest homes and about 7 kilometres from the city centre on Xiamen Island and from Gulangyu, in the densely settled Haicang residential area, where large housing estates such as Future Coast stood not far from the site and tens of thousands of people lived; contemporary reporting noted nearby schools worrying about enrolment and homebuyers demanding refunds en masse. A second, widely circulated figure came from the famous mobilizing text message, which put the site 16 kilometres from the urban area; Xinhua's English reporting likewise described the plant as about 16 kilometres — roughly ten miles — from the city centre. The two numbers measure different points: one from the plant fence to the nearest apartment block, the other from the site to the island's centre. To ordinary residents in the spring of 2007, however, both versions carried one meaning: the chemical plant was close to home. As for the text message's claim that international rules require such plants to sit 100 kilometres from a city, this site has found no such standard in any public document and records it as unverified; see the verification note at the end.
台资背景与陈由豪：项目的出资方背景，给争议又加了一层不信任。腾龙芳烃（厦门）有限公司由富能控股、华利财务等公司组建，是翔鹭集团在大陆石化布局的一环。翔鹭集团的实际控制人是台湾商人陈由豪。陈由豪曾任台湾东帝士集团总裁，上世纪九十年代末东帝士出事后，他离开台湾，被台湾检方以掏空资产等罪名通缉，长期名列台湾重大经济通缉犯名单，此后转往大陆发展，在厦门已有翔鹭化纤等项目落地。也就是说，在许多厦门市民眼里，这个要在他们家门口建厂的人，是一个在台湾欠下巨额债务、被通缉在逃的商人；出事之后他能不能负责、找不找得到人，都是问号。二〇〇七年五月底，台湾《中国时报》等媒体把陈由豪与海沧PX项目的关联捅了出来，「通缉犯在厦门建化工厂」的说法随报道传开，成为压垮市民信任的又一根稻草。本站核查范围内，陈由豪其后的公开行踪报道极少，其通缉状态的后续变化无公开记录可查。The Taiwan money and Chen You-hao: The investor's background added a second layer of distrust. Dragon Aromatics (Xiamen) was set up by companies including Funeng Holdings and Huali Finance, as part of the Xianglu Group's mainland petrochemical build-out. The group's controlling figure was the Taiwanese businessman Chen You-hao. Chen had headed Taiwan's Tuntex (Dong Di Shi) Group; after its collapse in the late 1990s he left Taiwan, was wanted by Taiwanese prosecutors on embezzlement-related charges, and spent years on Taiwan's list of major economic fugitives, rebuilding his business on the mainland, where Xianglu already ran a chemical-fiber plant in Xiamen. In the eyes of many Xiamen residents, the man proposing to build beside their homes was a fugitive debtor: if something went wrong, would he answer for it, and could he even be found? In late May 2007, Taiwan's China Times and other outlets spelled out Chen's connection to the Haicang PX project, and the phrase 'a wanted man building a chemical plant in Xiamen' travelled with the coverage — one more weight on collapsing public trust. Within the sources this site checked, later public reporting on Chen is sparse, and no public record of any change in his wanted status was found.
一百零五名委员的头号提案：把这件事捅到全国台面上的，是一份政协提案。二〇〇七年三月全国政协会议期间，厦门大学教授、中国科学院院士赵玉芬领衔，一百零五名全国政协委员联署《关于厦门海沧PX项目迁址建议的议案》，成为该届政协的「头号提案」。提案的理由很直接：PX项目距人口稠密区太近，一旦发生泄漏或爆炸，后果不堪设想，厦门上百万居民的安全都押在上面；提案要求项目立即停建、迁址。赵玉芬本人就住在厦门，她在接受采访时说，自己是搞化学的，正因为懂，才更清楚这种项目不该放在这个位置。提案没有被采纳。三月十四日，国家环保总局环评司负责人在副局长潘岳的授意下约见提案代表，表示理解和认同，但坦言无能为力：项目是发改委批的，环保总局在迁址问题上没有决定权。五月十五日，国家发改委调查组赴海沧实地调研后，工业司负责人当面告知赵玉芬：发改委没有让项目停建或迁址的意思。与此同时，海沧工地上，工程仍在日夜赶工。体制内的通道走到这里，基本走完了。The No. 1 proposal: 105 CPPCC members: What carried the issue onto the national stage was a political-consultative proposal. During the March 2007 session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, Zhao Yufen — a Xiamen University chemistry professor and academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences — led 105 CPPCC members in jointly signing a 'Proposal Recommending Relocation of the Xiamen Haicang PX Project,' which became the session's celebrated 'No. 1 proposal.' Its reasoning was blunt: the plant stood too close to dense housing; a leak or explosion would be catastrophic, with the safety of more than a million Xiamen residents riding on it; the project should stop at once and move. Zhao lived in Xiamen herself and told interviewers that, as a chemist, she understood exactly why such a plant did not belong there. The proposal was not adopted. On March 14, officials of the State Environmental Protection Administration, acting on deputy director Pan Yue's instructions, met the proposers, expressed sympathy — and admitted powerlessness: the project had been approved by the NDRC, and the environmental agency had no say over relocation. On May 15, after an NDRC team inspected Haicang, its industry department told Zhao to her face that the commission had no intention of halting or moving the project. All the while, construction at Haicang ran day and night. The institutional channels had, by then, essentially run their course.
连岳与博客：本地沉默，消息从网上走：厦门本地媒体对PX项目长期沉默，消息是绕着走出去的。二〇〇七年三月十八日，北京的《中国经营报》刊出关于海沧PX项目安全争议的报道，当天，住在厦门的专栏作家连岳就在自己的博客上全文转载，并接连写下长篇评论，把项目的选址、环评和毒性争议一条条讲给普通读者听。连岳当时是《南方都市报》等报刊的专栏作者，在厦门读者中号召力不小。此后两个多月，「保护厦门」「还我蓝天」之类的帖子在本地论坛和博客圈层层扩散，罗永浩创办的牛博网等平台保留了大量讨论，涂鸦、漫画、黄丝带的点子都先在网上传开。传统媒体不报，不等于没人知道：博客负责把事情讲清楚，论坛负责把人聚起来，剩下的只差一个把消息送到每部手机上的办法。这个传播链条，是理解六月一日那场散步的前提：上街的人不是被一条短信凭空变出来的，他们已经被博客和论坛教育了两个多月。Lian Yue and the blogs: silence locally, the story travelled online: Xiamen's own media stayed silent on the project for a long time; the news travelled by detour. On March 18, 2007, Beijing's China Business newspaper published a report on the safety dispute over the Haicang plant. The same day, Lian Yue, a columnist living in Xiamen, republished it in full on his blog and followed with a long run of commentaries, walking ordinary readers through the siting, the environmental assessment and the toxicity arguments one by one. Lian wrote columns for papers including Southern Metropolis Daily and carried real weight with Xiamen readers. Over the next two months, 'Protect Xiamen' and 'Give me back my blue sky' posts spread through local forums and the blogosphere; Bullog, the independent blogging collective founded by Luo Yonghao, kept much of the discussion alive, and the graffiti, cartoons and yellow-ribbon idea all circulated online first. Traditional media silence did not mean public ignorance: the blogs explained the issue, the forums gathered the people, and all that was missing was a way to put the message into every pocket. That chain matters for understanding June 1: the people in the street had not been conjured up by a single text message — blogs and forums had been briefing them for over two months.
一条短信走遍全城：五月下旬，一条短信开始在厦门市民的手机之间疯传，新华社和《中国日报》当时的报道说，相关短信发送量接近一百万条；学术研究记述，核心的那条动员短信在五月二十八日前后传到了约一百五十万手机用户手中，「百万市民」的大名由此而来。短信的原文在多部学术著作中被完整引用，要点是：「翔鹭集团合资已在海沧区动工投资（苯）项目，这种剧毒化工品一旦生产，意味着厦门全岛放了一颗原子弹，厦门人民以后的生活将在白血病、畸形儿中度过。我们要生活、我们要健康！国际组织规定这类项目要在距离城市一百公里以外开发，我们厦门距此项目才十六公里啊！为了我们的子孙后代，见短信后群发给厦门所有朋友！」短信还约定：六月一日，大家到市政府门前「散步」。这条短信的修辞今天看有夸张之处——PX的毒性等级、「一百公里」的说法都经不起严格推敲，文末核实说明会逐条交代——但它的动员效率是真实的：它把两个月里博客上讲清楚的道理，压缩成了一句人人能懂、随手能转的话。短信随后遭到屏蔽，含敏感词的短信一度发送困难，而屏蔽本身，反而成了「事情是真的」的旁证。The text message that walked the city: In late May, a text message began racing from phone to phone across Xiamen. Xinhua and China Daily reported at the time that nearly one million such messages had been sent; academic studies record that the core mobilizing message, around May 28, reached roughly 1.5 million mobile users — the origin of the 'million citizens' tag. The message is quoted in full in several scholarly works. In substance it read: 'The Xianglu Group has begun building a (benzene) project in Haicang. Once this highly toxic chemical is produced, it will be like dropping an atomic bomb on Xiamen Island; the people of Xiamen will live out their lives amid leukaemia and deformed children. We want to live, we want our health! International rules say such projects must be developed at least 100 kilometres from a city; we are only 16 kilometres away! For our children and grandchildren — when you see this message, forward it to all your friends in Xiamen!' It also fixed the plan: on June 1, everyone would take a 'stroll' outside the city government offices. Parts of its rhetoric do not survive scrutiny — the toxicity grading and the '100 kilometres' rule are dealt with in the verification note — but its mobilizing power was real: it compressed two months of blog argument into one sentence anyone could grasp and forward. The message was then blocked, and texts containing sensitive words became hard to send; the blocking itself read to many as confirmation that the story was true.
缓建不是停建：短信发酵的同时，官方开始灭火。五月二十八日，厦门市环保局长通过《厦门日报》答记者问，解释项目的环保措施；五月二十九日，腾龙芳烃总经理在《厦门晚报》发表长文，从「科学」的角度说明PX没有那么可怕。两篇文章都没能平息质疑。五月三十日，厦门市常务副市长丁国炎召开新闻发布会，宣布市政府决定缓建海沧PX项目，委托权威机构重新进行区域规划环评。需要注意这个时间点：缓建的宣布在散步之前两天，而不是之后——政府是想赶在六月一日之前把人群劝回家。劝说失败了。市民的解读很一致：「缓建」在中文里的意思就是「先放一放」，风头过了随时可以复建；两个多月的沟通里，官方从未说过「迁」字。于是散步的口号里专门加了一句：「要停建，不要缓建！」一条后来被反复引用的现场标语把话说得更透：「不要缓建，要迁建。」六月一日的散步，本质上是市民对五月三十日那份缓建通告的当面答复。'Suspended' is not 'stopped': As the messages spread, officials moved to damp things down. On May 28, Xiamen's environmental protection chief answered questions in the Xiamen Daily, explaining the project's safeguards; on May 29, Dragon Aromatics' general manager published a long article in the Xiamen Evening News arguing, 'scientifically,' that PX was not so frightening. Neither calmed anyone. On May 30, Executive Vice-Mayor Ding Guoyan held a press conference and announced that the city government had decided to suspend construction of the Haicang PX project and commission a fresh regional environmental assessment. Note the timing: the suspension came two days before the walk, not after it — the government was trying to talk the crowd out of gathering on June 1. It failed. Residents read the Chinese word huanjian — 'build later' — the same way: a pause until the wind dropped, after which work could quietly resume; in two months of official statements, the word 'relocate' had never appeared. So the marchers added a slogan of their own: 'We want construction stopped, not suspended!' A banner quoted ever since put it sharper still: 'Not suspended — moved.' The June 1 stroll was, in essence, the public's face-to-face answer to the May 30 notice.
六月一日：到市政府门前散步：二〇〇七年六月一日，星期五。按短信的约定，大批市民系着黄丝带，从上午八点前后开始向市政府所在的湖滨北路聚集，随后沿湖滨南路、中山路一带游行。人群里有大学生、穿着校服的中学生、上班族、推着孩子的父母，也有拄着拐杖的老人。横幅上写着「抵制PX，保卫厦门」「抵制PX项目，保市民健康，保厦门环境」，口号除了「保卫厦门」，还有「要停建，不要缓建」。多数报道形容现场和平有序：没有打砸，队伍自行维持秩序，沿途商店和写字楼里不断有人加入。警方在市政府门前列队戒备，个别路段有对峙和推搡的零星报道，但总体保持克制，没有强行驱散。牛博网对游行做了文字直播，据称是当时境内唯一的实时文字报道，访问量大到服务器一度吃不消；市民拍下的照片大量上传到图片网站Flickr。游行持续到下午，人群陆续散去。这一天厦门人始终用「散步」称呼自己的行动——这个词不是事后发明的幽默，而是行动当天的自我命名：散步不需要批准，散步的人也不是在「游行示威」。June 1: a stroll to the city government gates: Friday, June 1, 2007. As the text message had arranged, crowds wearing yellow ribbons began gathering from about eight in the morning along Hubin North Road, where the city government sits, then marched through the Hubin South Road and Zhongshan Road districts. In the crowd were university students, schoolchildren in uniform, office workers, parents pushing prams, and elderly people on walking sticks. Banners read 'Boycott PX, Protect Xiamen' and 'Resist the PX Project, Protect Residents' Health, Protect Xiamen's Environment'; alongside 'Protect Xiamen,' the chants included 'Stop it, don't suspend it.' Most accounts describe an orderly scene: no smashing, the crowd policing itself, and a steady trickle of onlookers from shops and office towers joining along the route. Police stood in ranks at the government gates; a few reports mention brief standoffs and shoving at particular junctions, but overall the police held back and made no forcible dispersal. Bullog ran a live text feed of the march — reportedly the only real-time text coverage inside China that day — until its servers buckled under the traffic, while residents uploaded photographs in bulk to Flickr. The march wound down in the afternoon. Throughout, Xiamen people called what they were doing a 'stroll.' The word was not a joke invented afterward but the action's name for itself on the day: a stroll needs no permit, and strollers are not 'demonstrating.'
人数：每个数字都有出处：那天到底有多少人上街，至今没有一个公认数字，本站的原则是分开归属、不取中间值。学术研究（牛津大学期刊《中国季刊》相关论文系统记述此事）与美国国务院《二〇〇七年国别人权报告》的估计接近：六月一、二日两天，约一万名市民上街，其中国务院报告的原文是「估计一万名居民游行」。把范围写得最细的是英文维基百科综合多家报道后的表述：八千至一万人。数字偏低的是部分西方和港台媒体的事发当日报道，称「数百至数千人」。数字偏高的来自参与者和同情报道：China Worker等媒体称六月一日人群最高达两万人。厦门官方从未公布游行人数，国内媒体在事发报道中也普遍不给具体数字，只说「部分市民」。本站档案采用的表述是：六月一日上街人数以约一万人为多家严肃来源的共同估计，两万与数千的说法分别归属其来源后并列记录。六月二日，人群再次在市政府一带聚集，规模明显小于前一天，傍晚后散去，没有大规模冲突的可靠报道。The numbers: every figure with its source: How many people actually marched has never had an agreed figure, and this archive's rule is to attribute each number rather than split the difference. Academic studies — including the systematic account in The China Quarterly — and the US State Department's 2007 Country Report on Human Rights Practices converge on roughly 10,000 residents marching across June 1 and 2; the State Department's wording is 'an estimated 10,000 residents marched.' The most carefully hedged synthesis, in the English Wikipedia's pooling of multiple reports, gives 8,000 to 10,000. At the low end, some Western and Hong Kong reports filed on the day said 'several hundred to several thousand.' At the high end, participant-side and sympathetic outlets such as China Worker put the June 1 crowd at up to 20,000. Xiamen officials never published a figure, and domestic coverage generally avoided numbers altogether, speaking only of 'some citizens.' This archive therefore records: about 10,000 as the estimate shared by several serious sources for June 1, with the 20,000 and the few-thousand figures listed under their own sources. On June 2 the crowd gathered again near the government offices, visibly smaller than the day before, and dispersed by evening; there is no reliable report of major clashes.
通告、「非法集会」与被抓的人：官方对散步的定性来得很快。厦门市公安局通过电视台滚动字幕和通告称，这次集会游行未经申报批准，属于「非法集会游行」，是「少数不法分子」借PX项目煽动市民，严重扰乱社会秩序、影响市民正常生活。六月三日，公安局再发公告：要求事件的组织者、煽动者在公告发布之日起三日内、即六月六日之前，主动到公安机关或所在单位投案自首，争取从宽处理；逾期不自首的，将依法从重处罚。同一时期，厦门开始讨论并推行网络发帖实名制，外界普遍认为与PX事件中网络动员的威力有关；二〇〇七年六月，图片网站Flickr在中国大陆被封，有报道推测与游行照片在该站大量传播有关，这一关联属媒体推测，本站标为未核。事后被公开点名处理的普通参与者极少，多数人散步之后回了家、回了单位——这也是后来许多亲历者多年后仍愿意实名讲述的原因。但「极少」不等于没有，下一条记录的就是被抓的那一个。散步之后被逮捕的，是厦门居民李义强。美国国务院二〇〇七年人权报告和中国人权捍卫者网络（CHRD）引美国之音的报道都记下了他的案子：李义强三十九岁，是厦门当地的保钓人士，六月三日被警方带走，被指控组织了六月一、二日的游行，涉嫌「非法集会」。他被羁押了约两个月，二〇〇七年八月初获取保候审，出狱后只对媒体说自己「很好」，对讯问内容和可能面临的指控不愿多谈。此后，他的案子有没有起诉、有没有判决，公开渠道查不到下文，本站按「无公开记录」处理。连岳的处境完全不同：他没有被抓的公开记录，散步前后他仍在写作，牛博网上的直播和评论也大体留存。网上流传的「连岳被警方谈话后噤声」一类说法，在公开报道范围内查不到可靠出处，本站标为未核，不予采信，只记录一个可核实的事实：连岳是让PX争议走出厦门本地、进入全国视野的关键写作者之一，而他的博客文章在事后相当长时间内仍可检索。把两个人的命运放在一起看，正是档案要记下的东西：同样是为同一件事说话，组织上街的代价和写字说话的代价，不在一个量级上。The notices, the 'illegal assembly' label, and the man arrested: The official verdict on the stroll came quickly. Through rolling television tickers and a formal notice, the Xiamen Public Security Bureau declared the gathering an unapproved, 'illegal assembly and march,' the work of 'a small number of lawbreakers' exploiting the PX issue to incite citizens, seriously disrupting public order and daily life. On June 3 the bureau issued a second notice: the event's organizers and inciters were ordered to surrender to the police or their work units within three days — by June 6 — to earn lenient treatment; those who failed to come forward would be punished severely according to law. In the same period, Xiamen took up real-name registration for online posting, a move widely linked to the power of internet mobilization the case had just displayed; and in June 2007 the photo site Flickr was blocked in mainland China, with some reports speculating that the flood of march photographs hosted there was the reason — a connection this site records as media speculation, unverified. Very few ordinary participants were ever publicly named or punished; most strollers simply went home and back to work, which is why so many still tell the story under their own names years later. But 'very few' is not 'none,' and the next entry records the man who was arrested. The person arrested after the stroll was Xiamen resident Li Yiqiang. Both the US State Department's 2007 human rights report and Chinese Human Rights Defenders, citing Voice of America, recorded his case: Li, 39, a local activist known for the Diaoyu Islands cause, was taken away on June 3, accused of organizing the June 1–2 marches and charged in connection with 'illegal assembly.' He was held for about two months and released on bail in early August 2007, telling reporters only that he was 'fine' and declining to discuss his interrogation or any pending charge. Whether his case was later prosecuted or tried cannot be found in any public channel this site checked; it is recorded here as 'no public record.' Lian Yue's fate was entirely different: there is no public record of his arrest, he kept writing through and after the stroll, and the Bullog live coverage and his commentaries largely survived. Claims circulating online that Lian was 'taken for tea' by police and silenced have no reliable source in the public reporting this site could check and are recorded as unverified and not credited. The verifiable fact is narrower: Lian was one of the key writers who carried the PX dispute beyond Xiamen to a national audience, and his blog posts remained searchable long afterward. Set side by side, the two fates are themselves the record: for the same cause, the price of organizing bodies in the street and the price of writing were not in the same league.
十二月：环评报告与被叫停的网络投票：散步没有白走，但结果要等半年。六月七日，国家环保总局副局长潘岳公开表态，将组织对厦门全市的规划环评，海沧的化工项目要放在全市定位里重新掂量。十二月五日，厦门市城市总体规划环评的公众参与程序启动，海沧南部区域环评结论同时公布：海沧南部面积太小，污染扩散条件有限，厦门必须在「石化工业区」和「城市副中心」两种定位之间二选一——这等于从科学结论上判了原址方案死刑。十二月八日晚，厦门市政府网站厦门网开设网络投票，让市民对环评报告表态。结果一边倒：共五万八千四百五十四票中，五万五千三百七十六票反对，只有三千零七十八票赞成。十二月十日，投票在未到原定截止时间时被中止，页面消失，官方解释称投票程序设计「不科学」、与官方无关的说法前后矛盾，引发一片质疑。投票虽然被叫停，数字已经传遍全国：九成五的反对率，是此后任何决策都绕不过去的事实。December: the assessment, and the online vote that was stopped: The stroll worked, but the result took six months. On June 7, SEPA deputy director Pan Yue announced publicly that a planning-level environmental assessment of the whole city would be organized, and Haicang's chemical projects weighed within Xiamen's overall positioning. On December 5, the public-participation stage of that assessment opened, and its conclusion for southern Haicang was published with it: the area was too small and too poorly ventilated for pollution to disperse, and Xiamen had to choose between two futures for it — 'petrochemical industrial zone' or 'secondary city centre.' In scientific language, the original site was condemned. On the evening of December 8, the municipal portal Xiamen Online opened an online vote on the report. The result was a landslide: of 58,454 votes cast, 55,376 were against the project and only 3,078 in favour. On December 10, before its announced closing time, the vote was halted and the page vanished; official explanations — that the poll's design was 'unscientific,' and shifting claims about whether it was official at all — satisfied no one. But the numbers were already nationwide: a 95 percent 'no' was a fact no subsequent decision could step around.
四十九名市民代表的表决：真正给项目盖棺的，是十二月中旬的市民座谈。十二月十一日，厦门市政府通过公开摇号，从六百二十四名报名者中抽出一百名座谈会代表——其中一半是随机抽中的普通市民代表，另一半是人大代表、政协委员等。十二月十三、十四日，座谈会在厦门宾馆连开两天。学术论文（《中国新闻传播学刊》系统记述此事的公民新闻研究）记下的表决细节是：四十九名市民代表中，四十五人明确反对PX项目落户海沧；在有机会发言的八位人大、政协代表中，七人反对。国内综述报道给出的总体说法是：发言代表中百分之八十五以上反对。支持项目的发言集中在经济收益和「科学管理可以控风险」上，没能扭转局面。赵玉芬等人的意见也再次被代表们引用。这场座谈在程序上只有「参与」之名、没有决策之权，最终决定权在省政府手里——但九成上下的反对率摆在那里，任何领导再签「同意在海沧建」，都要先想想六月一日街上的人，和十二月这间会议室里的人，是同一批市民。The vote of the 49 citizen representatives: What finally nailed the coffin was the citizens' forum in mid-December. On December 11, the city drew 100 forum representatives by public lottery from 624 applicants — half of them ordinary citizen representatives chosen at random, the other half deputies to the People's Congress, CPPCC members and other official-side figures. The forum sat for two days, December 13 and 14, at the Xiamen Hotel. The tally preserved in the scholarly literature — the citizen-journalism study of the case in the Asian Journal of Communication — is precise: of the 49 citizen representatives, 45 stated clear opposition to siting the PX plant in Haicang; and of the eight People's Congress and CPPCC representatives who had time to speak, seven also opposed it. Chinese summary accounts put the overall figure at over 85 percent of speakers against. The pro-project speeches leaned on economic returns and on 'scientific management can control the risk,' and moved nothing. Procedurally the forum only 'participated'; the decision belonged to the provincial government. But with opposition running at around ninety percent, any leader signing off on Haicang would first have to picture the people in the street on June 1 and the people in that meeting room in December — who were, of course, the same citizens.
迁址古雷：十二月十五日，福建省委常委会开会专题研究，决定将厦门海沧PX项目迁建。十二月十六日，福建省政府与厦门市政府正式对外宣布：项目迁往漳州市漳浦县的古雷半岛。二〇〇八年三月全国两会期间，厦门市市长刘慈桂对记者确认，市政府已向中央有关部门提出迁址建议，并给出了理由：厦门要在「化工基地」和「海滨旅游城市」之间做选择，厦门选择后者，今后定位于金融、物流、研发、旅游和高端制造。福建省委书记卢展工当时也公开说，群众的关切「是有道理的」。至此，持续九个月的厦门PX之争以市民一方的诉求落地告终：项目不是取消，而是搬走。二〇〇九年一月，迁址后的古雷PX项目获环保部正式批准建设；二〇〇九年三月获发改委核准，五月动工。厦门的胜利从一开始就带着一个注脚：风险没有消失，只是换了一个人口更少、声音更小的地方来承担。古雷和邻近的东山岛居民随后也举行过抗议，二〇〇八年三月东山的大规模抗议还引来了媒体封锁和武警进驻，这是后话，也是这个注脚的正文。Relocation to Gulei: On December 15, the Fujian Provincial Party Standing Committee met on the question and decided to move the project. On December 16, the Fujian provincial government and the Xiamen municipal government formally announced it: the plant would go to the Gulei Peninsula in Zhangpu County, Zhangzhou. During the March 2008 national sessions, Xiamen mayor Liu Cigui confirmed to reporters that the city had proposed the relocation to the central authorities, and gave the reasoning: faced with a choice between becoming a chemical-industry base and remaining a coastal scenic city, Xiamen chose the latter, and would build its future on finance, logistics, research, tourism and high-end manufacturing. Fujian Party secretary Lu Zhangong said publicly at the time that the public's concerns were justified. Nine months after it began, the Xiamen PX dispute ended with the citizens' central demand met: the project was not cancelled — it was moved. In January 2009 the relocated Gulei PX project received formal construction approval from the Ministry of Environmental Protection; the NDRC approved it in March 2009 and ground was broken in May. Xiamen's victory carried a footnote from the start: the risk had not vanished, only been reassigned to a place with fewer people and a quieter voice. Residents of Gulei and nearby Dongshan Island protested in their turn — Dongshan's large protest of March 2008 met a media blackout and armed-police deployment — which is another story, and the footnote's main text.
古雷投产与二〇一三年的闪燃：搬到古雷的项目，投资额涨到约一百三十八亿元，建设过程并不太平。二〇一三年一月，腾龙芳烃（漳州）因未批先建、配套治污工程与主体工程不同步等环评违规问题，被环保部责令停产并罚款，随后整改，二〇一三年六月前后恢复试生产。二〇一三年七月三十日凌晨，厂区加氢裂化装置在试压过程中，一条尚未投用的氢气管线焊缝泄漏，发生闪燃爆炸，火焰一度冲高数十米。漳州市政府当时的通报称，事故未造成人员伤亡、无化学品泄漏，投产时间因此推迟约一周。附近兴仔村有村民对媒体说，爆炸震碎了自家新房的玻璃、震裂了墙面。官方「无伤亡无泄漏」的通报与村民的说法并不完全对得上，本站按各自来源并列记录。二〇一三年内，古雷PX项目正式投产，年产能八十万吨的说法沿用厦门原方案。当年一份广为流传的对比是：在厦门被市民以散步送走的项目，在古雷先是被环保部叫停、又在投产前先炸了一次——当年提案里写的「泄漏或爆炸隐患」，六年后开始在新厂址逐项兑现。Gulei built: start-up, and the 2013 flash fire: At Gulei the project's price tag had grown to about 13.8 billion yuan, and its construction was anything but smooth. In January 2013 the Ministry of Environmental Protection ordered Dragon Aromatics (Zhangzhou) to halt and fined it for environmental-assessment violations, including building before approval and letting pollution-control works lag the main plant; after rectification, trial production resumed around June 2013. In the early hours of July 30, 2013, during pressure testing, a hydrogen pipeline not yet in service leaked at a weld in the hydrocracking unit and flashed into an explosion, with flames reported shooting tens of metres high. Zhangzhou's official notice stated that there were no casualties and no chemical leak, and that start-up was delayed by about a week. A resident of nearby Xingzai village — under a kilometre away — told media the blast had shattered her new home's windows and cracked its walls and ceiling. The official 'no casualties, no leak' account and the villagers' accounts do not fully square, and this archive records them side by side under their own sources. Later in 2013 the Gulei PX plant formally entered production, at the 800,000-tonne annual capacity carried over from the Xiamen scheme. A comparison widely drawn at the time ran: the project Xiamen's citizens had walked out of their city had, at Gulei, first been halted by the environment ministry, then exploded once before it even started — as the 2007 proposal's warning of 'leak and explosion risk' began, six years on, to be redeemed item by item at the new address.
二〇一五年四月六日：古雷大爆炸：二〇一五年四月六日傍晚十八时五十六分，古雷PX厂区正在进行年度停工检修，三十三号腾龙芳烃装置发生漏油着火，引燃了西侧约一百米处的三个中间储罐，爆炸接连发生。据当时报道，四五十公里外都有明显震感，厂区上空升起蘑菇状浓烟，附近居民家窗玻璃被震碎。新华社的报道口径是：八百二十九名消防员、一百七十七辆消防车投入扑救，解放军防化部队到场支援；大火在四月七日下午一度被扑灭，当晚复燃，四月八日凌晨再次复燃并延烧相邻储罐，古雷居民一度全员撤离，直到四月九日凌晨才宣告扑灭。伤亡数字各方不一，本站分开记录：新华社四月七日的初报为六人受伤送医；随后多家媒体与调查通报汇总的数字为十四人受伤，其中十二人轻伤、两人重伤；法新社等外电则报道十九人受伤（包括受轻伤的消防与处置人员在内的口径差异）。所有来源一致的是：无死亡报告。事后福建省组织专家调查组，认定事故源于企业违规生产、建设与运营安全管理混乱，二〇一五年八月官方宣布：包括腾龙芳烃董事长黄耀志在内的十三人被追究刑事责任，漳州市副市长梁伟新等十一名官员受到党纪政纪处分，企业负责人被撤职降级，直接经济损失约九千五百万元。April 6, 2015: the Gulei explosion: At 6:56 p.m. on April 6, 2015, during the plant's annual maintenance shutdown, an oil leak at Dragon Aromatics' Unit 33 in the Gulei PX complex caught fire and ignited three intermediate storage tanks about a hundred metres to the west, setting off successive explosions. Contemporary reports said the tremor was felt forty to fifty kilometres away; a mushroom of smoke rose over the plant and windows shattered in nearby homes. Xinhua's account records 829 firefighters and 177 fire engines committed to the blaze, with PLA chemical-defence troops in support. The fire was declared out on the afternoon of April 7, reignited that evening, reignited again in the early hours of April 8 and spread to an adjacent tank; Gulei's residents were evacuated wholesale, and the fire was not finally declared extinguished until the early hours of April 9. Injury figures differ by source, and this archive keeps them apart: Xinhua's April 7 first report said six people were injured and hospitalized; later media and investigation summaries converged on 14 injured — twelve lightly and two seriously; AFP and other wires reported 19 injured, a difference of counting scope that appears to include lightly hurt firefighters and responders. Every source agrees on one point: no deaths were reported. A provincial expert investigation blamed illegal production practices and chaotic construction and operating safety management. In August 2015 officials announced that thirteen people, including Dragon Aromatics chairman Huang Yaozhi, would face criminal prosecution; eleven officials, including Zhangzhou vice-mayor Liang Weixin, received Party and administrative discipline; company managers were sacked or demoted; and direct economic losses were put at about 95 million yuan.
「散步」成为一个词：厦门PX事件留给中文抗争语汇的第一个词，就是「散步」。在此之前，公开表达异议的词汇表里有游行、示威、集会，每一个都在《集会游行示威法》的管制清单上，需要事先批准，而批准几乎从不下发。「散步」绕开了这张清单：它不申请、不命名、不组织，人人只是同一时间出现在同一条街上，走路本身不违法。这个说法从厦门出发，一路被复制下去：二〇〇八年，成都居民以散步方式反对彭州石化；二〇一一年八月十四日，大连逾万市民散步到市政府前，要求福佳大化PX项目搬迁，市委书记、市长当场承诺搬迁——但此后有报道称该厂恢复了生产，承诺是否兑现长期存疑；二〇一二年十月，宁波镇海居民连日上街，市政府宣布PX扩建项目停止；二〇一三年五月，昆明市民戴着口罩散步反对安宁炼化项目配套PX的传闻，市长公开说「老百姓多数反对的话，我们一定不要」，中石油随后澄清安宁项目不含PX装置。此后还有茂名（二〇一四）等地的PX抗争。各地官方的处理手法自厦门之后也固定下来：先宣布缓建或停止，等风头过去再看——市民那句「要停建，不要缓建」，后来几乎成了每一次PX抗争的标准配置。'Stroll' becomes a word: The first thing the Xiamen PX affair left to the Chinese vocabulary of protest was the word 'stroll' itself. Before it, the lexicon of public dissent — march, demonstration, assembly — sat entirely inside the permit regime of the Assembly, Procession and Demonstration Law, under which approval must be sought in advance and is almost never given. 'Strolling' stepped around the list: it applied for nothing, named nothing, organized nothing; everyone simply appeared on the same street at the same time, and walking, in itself, is not illegal. From Xiamen the formula travelled. In 2008, Chengdu residents strolled against the Pengzhou petrochemical project. On August 14, 2011, more than ten thousand Dalian residents strolled to the city government demanding relocation of the Fujia PX plant, and the Party secretary and mayor promised it on the spot — though later reports said the plant had resumed production, and whether the promise was ever kept remains in doubt. In October 2012, after days in the streets in Zhenhai, Ningbo's government announced the PX expansion stopped. In May 2013, masked Kunming residents strolled over rumours of a PX unit attached to the Anning refinery project; the mayor said publicly that if most citizens opposed it, 'we definitely won't do it,' and PetroChina then clarified that Anning included no PX unit. Maoming followed in 2014, among others. And the official handling script fixed itself after Xiamen too: announce a suspension or a halt first, and see what survives the calm — which is why the Xiamen chant 'stop it, don't suspend it' became standard equipment at nearly every PX protest afterward.
评价与定位：这场散步在当年的中国舆论场里拿到的评价，今天看仍然显眼。《南方周末》和《南方人物周刊》不约而同地把「厦门市民（人）」评为二〇〇七年度人物——两家南方报业刊物选的不是某一个领袖，而是一座城市的普通人，理由是他们以和平、理性、合法的方式表达了诉求并改变了决策。国际媒体的报道同样密集：BBC、路透社、《纽约时报》、《华尔街日报》都在六月初跟进，美国国务院把这次游行和李义强被捕写进了二〇〇七年国别人权报告。学术界的定位在一十多年里趋于一致：多篇论文把厦门PX事件称为「中国公众参与的里程碑」，是研究中国环保抗争、网络动员和「邻避」运动时绕不开的起点案例；牛津《中国季刊》等刊物的研究同时也提醒，厦门的胜利有它的特殊条件——中产市民为主、诉求单一、精英（院士、委员）与普通市民同向、地方政府最终选择了顺水推舟。把这些评价合起来看，本站的记述立场是：厦门PX散步是中国城市中产环保抗争的标志性事件，它的成功真实、可核查，同时它的边界也真实、可核查——项目只是搬走，没有取消。How it is judged: The verdicts the stroll received in China's public sphere at the time still stand out. Southern Weekend and Southern People Weekly independently named 'the citizens of Xiamen' their 2007 Person of the Year — two Southern Media Group publications choosing not a leader but a city's ordinary people, on the stated ground that they had expressed their demand peacefully, rationally and lawfully, and had changed a decision. International coverage was equally dense: the BBC, Reuters, The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal all followed the story in early June, and the US State Department wrote both the march and Li Yiqiang's arrest into its 2007 human rights report on China. Scholarly assessment has converged over the years: multiple studies call the Xiamen PX case a 'milestone in public participation in China,' the unavoidable starting case for research on Chinese environmental protest, online mobilization and NIMBY movements. Studies in journals including The China Quarterly add the caution that Xiamen's success had special conditions — a largely middle-class crowd, a single clear demand, elites (academicians, CPPCC members) and ordinary citizens pushing the same way, and a local government that ultimately chose to go with the current. This archive's position, setting the verdicts together, is: the Xiamen PX Walk is the landmark case of urban middle-class environmental protest in China; its success is real and verifiable, and so are its limits — the plant was moved, not cancelled.
当事人的后来：档案的最后，照例留给具体的人。赵玉芬：散步之后继续在厦门大学任教、从事科研与教学，未见因提案受处分的公开报道；她领衔的那份提案，此后成为公共政策教材里反复引用的案例。李义强：二〇〇七年八月取保候审之后，其案件是否起诉、是否判决，公开渠道无下文，本站记为无公开记录。连岳：继续写作和专栏生涯，博客时代结束后转入其他平台，未见与PX事件直接相关的后续处分公开报道。丁国炎等当年出面宣布缓建、迁址的厦门官员，其后仕途不在本条目的核查范围内，不予臆测。陈由豪：公开报道范围内，其台湾通缉状态的后续变化无公开记录。普通参与者：数以万计的散步者绝大多数没有留下姓名，他们的后续无从查起，也无须查起——他们那天系上黄丝带、走完那条路、然后回家吃饭，这正是这场抗争最要紧的形态：一群不打算当英雄的人，用一下午的时间，改变了一座城市的产业地图。至于古雷半岛接棒承担风险的居民，他们在二〇一三年和二〇一五年两次爆炸里付出的代价，已经分别写进了本条目的古雷部分；他们的姓名，公开报道里同样大多缺席。What became of the people: As always, the archive closes with the individuals. Zhao Yufen: she continued teaching and researching at Xiamen University after the stroll, with no public report of any sanction for the proposal she led; that proposal has since become a standard citation in public-policy teaching. Li Yiqiang: after his release on bail in August 2007, no public channel records whether his case was prosecuted or tried; this site records it as no public record. Lian Yue: he continued his writing and column career, moving platforms after the blog era, with no publicly reported sanction tied to the PX affair. The later careers of Xiamen officials such as Ding Guoyan, who fronted the suspension and relocation announcements, lie outside this entry's verification scope and are not speculated on here. Chen You-hao: within public reporting, no public record of any change in his Taiwan wanted status was found. The ordinary participants: the tens of thousands of strollers mostly left no names behind, and their later lives are neither traceable nor in need of tracing — they tied on a yellow ribbon, walked the route, and went home to dinner, which is precisely the form that mattered in this protest: people with no intention of becoming heroes changed a city's industrial map in one afternoon. As for the Gulei residents who inherited the risk, the price they paid in the 2013 and 2015 explosions is recorded in the Gulei sections of this entry; their names, too, are mostly absent from the public reporting.
档案来源：本条目依据的材料包括：新华社二〇〇七年五月三十日关于缓建决定的报道及二〇一五年古雷事故系列报道；《中国日报》《南方都市报》《中国经营报》及《南方周末》《南方人物周刊》的当年报道；人民网二〇一五年八月关于古雷爆炸事故处理结果的报道；美国国务院《二〇〇七年国别人权报告》中国部分；中国人权捍卫者网络（CHRD）二〇〇七年七至八月人权简报；学术研究包括《中国季刊》相关论文、《亚洲传播学刊》的公民新闻与网络动员研究（Xiamen PX, 2007–2009），以及清华大学出版社争议性科学议题研究专著中引用的短信原文；BBC、路透社、法新社、《纽约时报》、美联社的当年及后续报道；中国环保部（原国家环保总局）关于古雷项目环评处罚的公开信息。本站对抗争记录的原则是：多源互证的写实，单源的归属其来源，查不到的明说查不到。本条目中的人数、伤亡和表决数字，均按此原则分别归属，没有取平均值，也没有挑最大的用。Sources for this entry: Materials behind this entry include: Xinhua's May 30, 2007 report of the suspension decision and its 2015 Gulei accident coverage; contemporary reporting by China Daily, Southern Metropolis Daily, China Business, Southern Weekend and Southern People Weekly; People's Daily Online's August 2015 report on the Gulei explosion accountability outcome; the China section of the US State Department's 2007 Country Report on Human Rights Practices; Chinese Human Rights Defenders' July–August 2007 human rights briefing; scholarship including the relevant study in The China Quarterly, the citizen-journalism and cyberactivism study of the Xiamen anti-PX case (2007–2009) in the Asian Journal of Communication, and the text message as quoted in a Tsinghua University Press monograph on contested science communication; contemporary and follow-up reporting by the BBC, Reuters, AFP, The New York Times and the Associated Press; and the environment ministry's public notices on the Gulei project's assessment violations. This archive's rule for Resistance records is: what multiple sources corroborate is written as fact; what rests on one source is attributed to it; what cannot be found is stated as not found. The crowd, casualty and vote figures in this entry all follow that rule — no averages taken, no largest number picked.
核实说明：本条目的未核与冲突说法集中交代如下。其一，「国际组织规定PX项目须离城市一百公里」：见于动员短信和大量民间转述，本站在国际组织与各国公开标准文件中未找到对应条文，标未核；各国对化工项目的实际安全距离多按风险评估逐项核定，并无统一的一百公里线。其二，PX「剧毒、高致癌」：这是二〇〇七年提案、短信与媒体的流行说法；按化学品分类，PX属低毒类、可燃液体，其蒸气对眼和呼吸道有刺激性、长期高浓度接触损害中枢神经，「剧毒、高致癌」的定性与现行毒理分类不符，本站只作历史说法记录，不作事实采纳——市民反对的核心从来不是毒性分级之争，而是选址距离与决策程序。其三，上街人数：一万（学术与美国国务院估计）、八千至一万（多源综合）、两万（参与者侧媒体）、数百至数千（部分当日外电），并列归属，无定论。其四，厂址距离：一点五公里（提案，指最近居民区）与十六公里（短信与英文报道，指距市中心），量测点不同，并列记录。其五，古雷爆炸受伤人数：六人（新华社初报）、十四人（后续汇总：十二轻伤、两重伤）、十九人（法新社等外电），口径不一，并列归属；无死亡为各源一致。其六，Flickr被封与PX照片的关联、连岳被警方谈话的说法：均为流传说法，无可靠公开出处，标未核。其七，李义强案的最终处理结果、陈由豪通缉状态的后续变化：无公开记录。Verification notes: Unverified and conflicting claims in this entry are gathered here. First, 'international rules require PX projects to be 100 kilometres from a city': found in the mobilizing text and endless retellings, but no such provision was found by this site in any international body's or country's public standards; real-world chemical-plant safety distances are set case by case by risk assessment, with no uniform 100-kilometre line — recorded as unverified. Second, PX as 'highly toxic and highly carcinogenic': this was the common phrasing of the 2007 proposal, the text message and much media coverage; under standard chemical classification PX is a low-toxicity flammable liquid whose vapour irritates the eyes and airways and which harms the central nervous system at sustained high exposure — the 'highly toxic, highly carcinogenic' label does not match current toxicological classification, and is recorded here as a period claim, not adopted as fact. The citizens' core objection was never a toxicity-grading dispute in any case; it was distance and decision procedure. Third, crowd size: 10,000 (academic and US State Department estimates), 8,000–10,000 (multi-source syntheses), 20,000 (participant-side media), several hundred to several thousand (some same-day wires) — listed under their sources, no settled figure. Fourth, site distance: 1.5 kilometres (the proposal, to the nearest housing) versus 16 kilometres (the text message and English reporting, to the city centre) — different measuring points, recorded in parallel. Fifth, Gulei explosion injuries: 6 (Xinhua's first report), 14 (later summaries: twelve light, two serious), 19 (AFP and other wires) — differing scopes, attributed in parallel; no deaths, per all sources. Sixth, the Flickr block's connection to PX photographs, and claims that Lian Yue was taken in for police talks: circulating claims with no reliable public source — unverified. Seventh, the final disposition of Li Yiqiang's case and any later change in Chen You-hao's wanted status: no public record.