六四工人与市民June Fourth Workers & Citizens
做了什么：1989年春天的抗议浪潮里，工人进场比学生晚，分量却不轻。5月19日，“北京工人自治联合会”（工自联）在天安门广场正式宣告成立，这是1949年以来第一个自称独立于官方工会的工人组织。发起者是韩东方等几名普通工人：韩东方25岁，是北京铁路分局的电力机车检修电工。工自联在广场西侧设广播站，每天播报消息、宣读评论，工人出身的吕京花嗓音洪亮，成为广播站最出名的声音。工自联还组织工人纠察队维持广场秩序、保护静坐的学生。What they did: In the protest wave of spring 1989, workers entered the movement later than the students but carried no less weight. On May 19, the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation (BWAF) was formally proclaimed in Tiananmen Square — the first workers' organization since 1949 to declare itself independent of the official union. Its founders were ordinary workers: Han Dongfang, 25, was an electric-locomotive repair electrician with the Beijing Railway Bureau. The federation set up a broadcast station on the square's west side, airing news and commentaries daily; Lu Jinghua, herself of worker background, became its best-known voice. The BWAF also organized worker pickets to keep order in the square and protect the students on hunger strike.
从悼念到戒严（时间线）：1989年4月15日，前总书记胡耀邦逝世，北京高校学生开始悼念，很快提出新闻自由、官员财产公开等要求。4月26日，《人民日报》社论把运动定性为“动乱”，引发十万学生上街抗议，社论被迫软化。5月13日，戈尔巴乔夫访华前夕，学生在天安门广场绝食抗议，数十万市民声援。工人正是在这几天成批进场的：工厂的工人纠察队给学生送水、送食物、维持秩序，并开始酝酿自己的组织。5月19日凌晨，赵紫阳到广场劝学生撤离，是他最后一次公开露面；当晚，李鹏宣布部分地区戒严。工自联的成立宣言，正是在戒严令下达的同一天贴出来的——工人们说，学生为反腐败绝食，工人不能站在旁边看。From mourning to martial law (timeline): On April 15, 1989, former General Secretary Hu Yaobang died, and Beijing students began mourning that quickly turned to demands for press freedom and disclosure of officials' assets. On April 26, a People's Daily editorial branded the movement “turmoil,” bringing a hundred thousand students into the streets until the editorial line was softened. On May 13, on the eve of Gorbachev's visit, students began a hunger strike in Tiananmen Square, backed by hundreds of thousands of citizens. It was in those days that workers entered in force: factory worker pickets brought students water and food, kept order, and began discussing an organization of their own. In the small hours of May 19, Zhao Ziyang came to the square to urge the students to leave — his last public appearance. That evening, Li Peng announced martial law in parts of the capital. The BWAF's founding declaration was posted on the very day the martial-law order came down: the workers said the students were hunger-striking against corruption, and workers could not stand by and watch.
工人与学生：1989年的运动里，工人和学生的关系经历过变化。4月底学生游行时，工人多在路边围观、鼓掌、塞钱塞水。转折点在5月13日学生绝食之后：广场上通宵陪坐的人群里，工厂工人的比例明显上升，有工人打出“工人阶级是领导阶级”的横幅，既是声援，也是提醒——宪法说工人阶级领导一切，现在工人要说话。工人们带来的不只是人，还有组织经验：纠察、后勤、广播、谈判，都是工厂里现成的本事。学生领袖起初对工人独立组织有戒心，怕“被抓把柄”，但到5月下旬，工自联的广播站已经成了广场的信息中心之一。6月3日晚，最先在西长安街一带与军队对峙、并付出最惨重代价的，正是这批工人和围观的市民。Workers and students: Within the 1989 movement, the relationship between workers and students changed over time. During the student marches of late April, workers mostly watched from the roadside, applauding and pressing money and water into students' hands. The turn came after the hunger strike began on May 13: workers made up a visibly growing share of the crowds sitting through the night in the square, and some raised a banner reading “The working class is the leading class” — support, and also a reminder: the constitution says the working class leads everything, and now the workers intended to speak. Workers brought more than numbers; they brought organizational experience — pickets, logistics, broadcasting, negotiation were factory skills. Student leaders were initially wary of an independent workers' organization, fearing it would hand the authorities a pretext, but by late May the BWAF broadcast station had become one of the square's information centers. On the night of June 3, those who first confronted the troops along West Chang'an Avenue, and paid the heaviest price, were precisely these workers and the citizens watching beside them.
戒严与堵截：5月19日深夜，当局宣布在首都部分地区实行戒严。此后几天，北京市民成规模地走上街头：主要路口被推来的公共汽车、垃圾箱、路障堵住，更多人干脆站到马路中间，用身体挡军车。主妇们提着水壶给士兵送水，反复劝说：“你们是人民子弟兵，不能向人民开枪。”进城部队在丰台、六里桥一带被围堵数日，进退不得。5月底，广场上的学生陆续撤离，最后坚持留守的，恰恰多是工人和市民。6月3日傍晚，便衣军人在西单一带运送枪支被市民发现、围堵的消息传开，长安街沿线气氛骤然紧张。当晚，戒严部队从各方向向天安门推进，在木樨地、西单、复兴门一带向阻拦的市民开枪。根据后来难属团体逐一核对的名单和医院记录，死者中绝大多数是普通工人、职员和市民，不少人是在自家楼下、在送伤员去医院的路上中弹的。Martial law and the blockades: Late on May 19, the authorities declared martial law in parts of the capital. In the days that followed, Beijing residents came out in force: intersections were blocked with buses, dumpsters and barricades, and many people simply stood in the roadway, stopping troop trucks with their bodies. Housewives carried kettles of water to the soldiers, repeating: “You are the people's soldiers — you must not shoot the people.” Units entering the city were held for days around Fengtai and Liuliqiao, unable to advance or withdraw. By the end of May the students had largely left the square; those who stayed to the end were mostly workers and citizens. On the evening of June 3, word spread that plainclothes soldiers ferrying weapons near Xidan had been discovered and surrounded, and the mood along Chang'an Avenue turned suddenly tense. That night, martial-law troops advanced on Tiananmen from every direction and opened fire on citizens blocking their path around Muxidi, Xidan and Fuxingmen. According to lists later compiled name by name by victims' families and to hospital records, the great majority of the dead were ordinary workers, office staff and residents — many shot below their own apartment blocks or on the way to carrying the wounded to hospital.
开枪之夜：戒严部队推进的路线上，死伤最集中的是木樨地、西长安街一线。枪声响起后，沿线的居民把伤员往附近医院抬：三轮车、平板车、自行车上都躺着人，医院走廊里很快躺满了伤者。有市民在部队再次开枪时把中弹的陌生人拖进楼道。军队推进到广场后于凌晨清场，广场上的学生和平撤出，通往广场的路上则留下了大片血迹。军队撤出市中心后，市民在木樨地等地摆起死者照片和血衣，无声地展示了几天。The night of the shooting: Along the troops' routes of advance, the killing was heaviest around Muxidi and West Chang'an Avenue. After the shooting began, residents along the route carried the wounded to nearby hospitals — on pedicabs, flatbed carts and bicycles — until hospital corridors were filled with the injured. Some residents dragged shot strangers into stairwells while troops were still firing. After the army reached the square and cleared it before dawn, the students withdrew peacefully, while the roads leading to the square were left stained with blood. Once the troops pulled back from the city center, residents around Muxidi laid out photographs of the dead and bloodied clothing in silent display for several days.
工自联的日常：工自联没有会费、没有办公室，总部设在天安门广场西侧的观礼台下，成员自称“工人运动讲演中心”。它做的事情很具体：广播站每天早中晚三次播音，报告军队调动消息，宣读各地声援电报；纠察队在广场各路口值勤，盘查可疑人员，护送运送食品和药品的车辆；工人捐款箱就摆在广播站旁边，市民把钞票塞进去，有退休工人把一个月的退休金全捐了。工自联还正式向全国人大常委会和国务院递交过对话要求，要求承认其合法地位。北京市总工会始终拒绝承认它，官方报纸称其为“非法组织”。到6月初，工自联登记在册的成员有数千人，实际参与者更多。The BWAF's daily work: The federation had no dues and no office; its headquarters sat beneath the reviewing stand on the square's west side, its members calling themselves the “Workers' Movement Speech Center.” Its work was concrete: the broadcast station aired three times a day, reporting troop movements and reading out telegrams of support from around the country; worker pickets manned the square's entrances, checked suspicious persons, and escorted vehicles carrying food and medicine; a donation box stood by the broadcast station, into which citizens stuffed banknotes — one retired worker gave a full month's pension. The BWAF formally submitted requests for dialogue to the NPC Standing Committee and the State Council, asking to be recognized as lawful. The Beijing Federation of Trade Unions refused to recognize it throughout, and official newspapers called it an “illegal organization.” By early June its registered members numbered in the thousands, and actual participants were more.
诉求原文（有出处）：工自联主张工人独立组建工会的权利，要求与政府对话、反腐败、新闻自由。相关传单和广播内容见Han Minzhu编《Cries for Democracy》（Princeton UP, 1990）及Walder & Gong（1993）。未找到单一完整宣言文本。Original demands (sourced): The BWAF advocated the right of workers to form independent unions, and demanded dialogue with the government, action against corruption, and press freedom. Its leaflets and broadcasts are documented in Han Minzhu (ed.), Cries for Democracy (Princeton UP, 1990) and Walder & Gong (1993). No single complete manifesto has been located.
具体的人：清场之后，通缉令上的韩东方主动投案，希望以自己换取其他工友的安全。他未经审判被关押22个月，狱中感染肺结核，切除了一叶肺，1991年4月以保外就医获释。1993年他赴美治病后返回时被拒绝入境，被迫留在香港，1994年在香港创办“中国劳工通讯”，此后长期记录中国工人的罢工和维权。吕京花被通缉后辗转逃亡到美国，此后再没能回国，靠打工和工会工作谋生。工自联的普通成员，有的被判刑，有的被开除公职，有的几十年不能提这段经历，连子女都不知道父母在1989年做过什么。The people: After the clearing, Han Dongfang — now on a wanted list — turned himself in, hoping to trade himself for the safety of his fellow workers. He was held 22 months without trial, contracted tuberculosis in prison and had part of a lung removed, and was released on medical parole in April 1991. In 1993, returning from medical treatment in the United States, he was refused re-entry to the mainland and was forced to remain in Hong Kong, where in 1994 he founded China Labour Bulletin, which has documented Chinese workers' strikes and rights struggles ever since. Lu Jinghua, also wanted, escaped to the United States and never returned, supporting herself with jobs and union work. Ordinary BWAF members were sentenced, expelled from their jobs, or lived for decades unable to speak of what they had done — some of their children never learned what their parents did in 1989.
有名有姓的死者：死者不是数字。天安门母亲群体三十多年来核对出的名单里，有19岁的中学生王楠：6月3日深夜，他在南长街南口一带头部中弹，母亲张先玲此后成了难属群体最早的发起人之一。有在邮局上班的职员、在商店站柜台的售货员、在工厂上夜班的工人，有推着自行车给学生送西瓜的小贩。很多人中弹的地点离家只有几百米。家属们被要求“顾全大局”，迅速火化遗体，不许声张，单位领导轮番做工作。几十年里，张先玲们把儿子的照片、血衣、弹头保存下来，一遍遍向来访者讲述那天晚上的路线——在哪个路口听见枪声，在哪家医院找到的人。The dead have names: The dead are not numbers. On the lists the Tiananmen Mothers have verified over thirty years is Wang Nan, a 19-year-old school student: late on June 3 he was shot in the head around the south end of Nanchang Street; his mother, Zhang Xianling, became one of the earliest founders of the families' group. There are post-office clerks, shop assistants, factory workers on night shift, a peddler who had been delivering watermelons to students by bicycle. Many were shot a few hundred meters from home. Families were told to “consider the overall situation,” to cremate remains quickly and keep silent, while work-unit leaders took turns doing “thought work” on them. For decades, Zhang Xianling and the others have kept their sons' photographs, bloodied clothes and bullet fragments, retelling to every visitor the route of that night — at which intersection the shots were heard, in which hospital the body was found.
事后处理：镇压后的审判明显向普通人倾斜出最重的一端：学生领袖多以“反革命宣传煽动”判三到七年，而被指控烧军车、袭击士兵的工人和市民，不少被判死刑。上海6月6日发生围观者焚烧受阻列车事件后，工人徐国明、卞汉武、严雪荣被以相关罪名判处死刑，6月22日执行，从出事到枪决只有十六天。在北京，第一批死刑、死缓和无期判决同样多落在工人和无业市民头上，还有大批人被判十年以上重刑。据当时外电报道，北京一地被捕者约两万，确切数字至今无从核实。6月8日，工自联被宣布为非法组织。死难者总数各方说法悬殊：中国官方称约二三百人（包括士兵），大赦国际估计近千人，后来解密的外交档案中还有更高的数字。相关事件页：六四事件Aftermath: The trials that followed fell hardest on ordinary people: student leaders mostly drew three to seven years for “counter-revolutionary propaganda and incitement,” while workers and citizens accused of burning military vehicles or attacking soldiers were in many cases sentenced to death. In Shanghai, after a stranded train was set on fire by a crowd on June 6, workers Xu Guoming, Bian Hanwu and Yan Xuerong were sentenced to death and executed on June 22 — sixteen days from incident to execution. In Beijing, the first death sentences, suspended death sentences and life terms likewise fell mostly on workers and the unemployed, and many more received ten years or longer. Foreign reporting at the time put arrests in Beijing alone at roughly 20,000; the true figure has never been verifiable. On June 8, the BWAF was declared an illegal organization. Estimates of the death toll diverge widely: the Chinese government says some 200–300 including soldiers; Amnesty International estimated close to 1,000; later declassified diplomatic files contain higher figures still. See: June Fourth
审判的速度：镇压后的司法处理以快著称。6月中旬起，北京、上海等地的法院连续开庭，多起案件从抓捕到判决只有几天。6月下旬，北京处决了第一批被判死刑的“暴徒”，大赦国际对其中多起案件有逐案记录。中国红十字会一度向外界给出北京死亡约2600人的数字，随即又收回。此后三十多年，当局从未公布死者名单，也禁止公开悼念；与之相对的，是难属群体一年一年自己统计出来的名字。The speed of the trials: The judicial handling after the crackdown was notable for its speed. From mid-June, courts in Beijing, Shanghai and elsewhere sat in continuous session, with several cases going from arrest to verdict in days. In late June, Beijing carried out its first executions of condemned “rioters”; Amnesty International kept case-by-case records of many of them. The Chinese Red Cross briefly gave an outside figure of some 2,600 deaths in Beijing, then retracted it. In the thirty-plus years since, the authorities have never published a list of the dead and have banned public mourning; against that silence stands the list of names the victims' families have compiled themselves, year by year.
国际反应与香港：镇压之后，美国、欧盟相继宣布对华武器禁运和制裁，部分措施延续至今。流亡学生和工人领袖在海外组建组织，韩东方之前，工自联的广播员吕京花到美国后加入工会运动，多次在国际劳工场合讲述1989。离北京一千多公里的香港，把这场记忆接了过去：1990年起，香港市民支援爱国民主运动联合会每年6月4日在维多利亚公园举办烛光悼念晚会，年年数万至十余万人参加，坚持了三十年，是中国土地上唯一公开的大规模六四纪念。2020年，晚会以疫情为由被禁止；2021年，支联会解散，其负责人被捕。此后每年的6月4日，维园被封锁，香港街头只剩巡逻的警察——公开悼念在中国全境成为历史，只在台北、伦敦、纽约等地的集会上继续。International response and Hong Kong: After the crackdown, the United States and the European Union imposed arms embargoes and sanctions on China, some still in force. Exiled student and worker leaders organized abroad; BWAF broadcaster Lu Jinghua, after reaching the US, joined the labor movement and recounted 1989 at international labor forums for years. A thousand kilometers from Beijing, Hong Kong took up the memory: from 1990, the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements held a candlelight vigil in Victoria Park every June 4, drawing tens of thousands — at times over a hundred thousand — for thirty years, the only large public June Fourth commemoration on Chinese soil. In 2020 the vigil was banned on epidemic grounds; in 2021 the Alliance disbanded and its leaders were arrested. Since then, every June 4, Victoria Park is sealed and Hong Kong's streets hold only patrolling police — public mourning is history across all of China, continuing only at gatherings in Taipei, London, New York and other cities abroad.
难属苏冰娴：难属群体的另一位核心人物是苏冰娴。她的儿子吴向东是北京木材厂的工人，1989年6月在西长安街一带中弹身亡，年仅二十多岁。苏冰娴晚年把寻访难属、记录死亡经过当作自己的工作，写下大量文字。她在一篇文章里记过一个细节：儿子出事那晚，她在医院的停尸间外站了一夜，天亮时工作人员问她是不是家属，她说不出话，只点头。这样的记录，难属群体里有几百份。天安门母亲群体每年发表的《祭奠》文章，多由丁子霖、张先玲、苏冰娴等人执笔或口述，内容三十年不变：公布名单，追究责任，讨还公道。她们说，人老了，记性差了，所以要趁还记得，把名字一个一个写下来。A bereaved mother, Su Bingxian: Another core figure of the families' group is Su Bingxian. Her son Wu Xiangdong, a worker at a Beijing timber factory, was shot dead around West Chang'an Avenue in June 1989, in his twenties. In her later years Su made it her work to seek out bereaved families and record the circumstances of deaths, writing a great deal. In one essay she recorded a detail: on the night her son was killed, she stood outside a hospital morgue until dawn; when a staff member asked at daybreak if she was family, she could not speak and only nodded. The families' group holds hundreds of such records. The annual memorial essays of the Tiananmen Mothers, drafted or dictated over the years by Ding Zilin, Zhang Xianling, Su Bingxian and others, have not changed their content in thirty years: publish the list, assign responsibility, render justice. They say: we are old and our memories are failing, so while we still remember, we write the names down one by one.
刑期分布：六四之后的判刑，有一个被多家人权组织指出的规律：身份越普通，刑期越重。学生领袖如王丹，先后两次判刑合计十一年（1991年四年、1996年十一年，后保外就医赴美）——已是学生中最重者之一；而普通工人和市民中，判十年以上者成批出现，死刑和死缓更几乎全部落在这一群体。据人权组织当年不完全的统计，1989年6月至年底，全国以六四相关罪名判处死刑并执行的至少有数十人，多数是工人、无业者和所谓“暴徒”。北京市第一中级人民法院等法院的判决书从未系统公开，这些人的姓名大多只存在于难属和狱友的记忆里。本站的“中共迫害纪实”栏目收录了其中有据可查的一部分，并持续补充。The distribution of sentences: Sentencing after June Fourth followed a pattern noted by many human rights organizations: the more ordinary the defendant, the heavier the sentence. Student leaders such as Wang Dan received, across two sentences, a combined eleven years (four in 1991, eleven in 1996, before medical parole to the US) — among the heaviest for students. Among ordinary workers and citizens, sentences of ten years and more came in batches, and death and suspended death sentences fell almost entirely on this group. By human rights organizations' incomplete contemporary counts, from June to the end of 1989 at least several dozen people nationwide were sentenced to death and executed on June Fourth-related charges, most of them workers, the unemployed, and so-called “rioters.” The judgments of courts such as Beijing's No. 1 Intermediate Court were never systematically published; most of these names survive only in the memory of families and fellow prisoners. This site's Persecution archive records the verifiable portion of them, and continues to add more.
留下的东西：六四工人和市民留下的最执着的东西，是“天安门母亲”群体。人民大学教师丁子霖17岁的儿子蒋捷连6月3日晚在复兴门一带中弹身亡，只是一名普通中学生。丁子霖和丈夫蒋培坤联合一百多位难属，三十多年逐一寻访、记录死者的姓名、年龄、职业和中弹地点，要求公布遇难者名单、追究责任、安慰家属。她们多已白发苍苍，至今仍在监控之下，每年六月初被上门“关照”。韩东方的中国劳工通讯在香港运作了三十年。1989年之后，独立工会四个字，成了中国工人运动绕不开的起点。What it left behind: The most stubborn legacy of the workers and citizens of 1989 is the Tiananmen Mothers. Jiang Jielian, the 17-year-old son of Renmin University teacher Ding Zilin, was shot near Fuxingmen on the night of June 3 — an ordinary middle-school student. Ding and her husband Jiang Peikun joined more than a hundred other bereaved families and have spent over thirty years locating and recording, one by one, the names, ages, jobs and places of death of the victims, demanding a published list of the dead, accountability, and consolation for families. Most are now white-haired; they still live under surveillance and receive official “visits” every early June. Han Dongfang's China Labour Bulletin operated in Hong Kong for thirty years. And after 1989, the words “independent union” became the unavoidable starting point for any Chinese workers' movement.
关于死亡数字：六四的死亡人数，是所有数字里争议最大的。中国政府1989年6月底公布的数字是约300人，其中包括约200名“暴徒”和23名学生，其余为士兵——这一口径此后略有变化。戒严部队发言人当时的说法是近300人。大赦国际根据目击者和医院消息估计约1000人。2017年英国国家档案馆解密文件披露，一名中国消息人士曾向英国驻华大使称死亡人数约一万人，该数字无法独立核实，仅作为外交档案中的一种说法存在。天安门母亲群体已核实并公布姓名的死者为二百多人，她们明确说这只是实际数字的一部分。本站的呈现方式是：并列各方口径，注明出处和时间；对有名有姓的死者，逐一记录，不用任何单一总数替代他们的名字。On the death toll: The June Fourth death toll is the most contested figure of all. The Chinese government announced in late June 1989 a figure of about 300, including some 200 “rioters” and 23 students, the rest soldiers — a formulation adjusted slightly since. A martial-law spokesman at the time said nearly 300. Amnesty International, working from eyewitnesses and hospital sources, estimated about 1,000. British archives declassified in 2017 revealed that a Chinese source had told the British ambassador of a figure around 10,000; that number cannot be independently verified and survives only as a claim within diplomatic files. The Tiananmen Mothers have verified and published the names of more than 200 dead, stating plainly that these are only part of the true number. This site's practice is to present the figures side by side with their sources and dates — and, for the dead who have names, to record them one by one rather than letting any single total stand in for them.
医院之夜：6月3日深夜到6月4日清晨，北京西部的医院经历了建院以来最忙乱的一夜。复兴医院、北京儿童医院、宣武医院、铁路医院的急诊门口，自行车、三轮车、平板车一趟趟送来伤员；医护人员回忆，走廊和大厅很快躺满了人，血浆告急，医生护士把白大褂袖子挽到胳膊肘。天亮之后，新的压力接踵而至：有关部门要求医院登记伤员和死者信息，家属来寻人时，有的被告知“查无此人”，有的在停尸间里一个一个辨认。此后许多年，北京西部的居民家里，六月是不摆喜事的月份。医生护士们当年的抢救记录和回忆，是今天还原那一夜伤亡分布的重要材料——他们救下的人里，有后来坐了牢的，也有从此下落不明的。The hospitals' night: From late on June 3 into the morning of June 4, the hospitals of western Beijing passed the most frantic night in their histories. At the emergency doors of Fuxing Hospital, Beijing Children's Hospital, Xuanwu Hospital and the Railway Hospital, bicycles, pedicabs and flatbed carts delivered the wounded trip after trip; medical staff recall corridors and halls filling with bodies, plasma running short, doctors and nurses rolling their white-coat sleeves to the elbow. After daybreak a new pressure arrived: departments required hospitals to register the wounded and the dead, and families who came searching were in some cases told “no such person,” in others left to identify bodies one by one in the morgue. For many years afterward, in the homes of western Beijing, June was not a month for weddings. The rescue records and recollections of those doctors and nurses are today key material for reconstructing that night's distribution of casualties — among the people they saved were some who later went to prison, and some who were never heard of again.
档案来源：本条目依据的公开材料包括：Han Minzhu编《Cries for Democracy》（1990）、Walder与Gong关于工自联的研究（1993）、天安门母亲群体历年公布的遇难者名单与祭文、大赦国际1989至1990年的系列报告、2017年英国国家档案馆解密的驻华外交电文，以及韩东方、吕京花等人后来的自述。中国官方关于1989年的档案从未开放，戒严部队的行动记录、医院的抢救记录、法院的判决书，至今都不是研究者可以查阅的材料。本站的写法是把可查证的写实、把有争议的并列、把查不到的标明查不到——对一场被系统性抹除的事件，注明空白与写下事实同样重要。Sources for this entry: Published materials behind this entry include Han Minzhu (ed.), Cries for Democracy (1990); Walder and Gong's research on the BWAF (1993); the victim lists and memorial essays published over the years by the Tiananmen Mothers; Amnesty International's 1989–90 report series; the British diplomatic cables declassified in 2017; and the later accounts of Han Dongfang, Lu Jinghua and others. China's official archives on 1989 have never opened: the martial-law troops' operational records, hospitals' emergency records and court judgments remain unavailable to researchers. This site's practice is to write what is verifiable as fact, to place disputed claims side by side, and to mark what cannot be found as not found — for an event that was systematically erased, marking the blanks matters as much as recording the facts.
记忆的地下保存：镇压之后，关于六四的书写转入地下和海外。1989年下半年起，描写广场和枪声的诗歌开始在私下传抄，被研究者称为“六四诗抄”——与1976年的天安门诗抄隔代呼应，同样是圆珠笔、练习本和信任网络。亲历者的证词集在海外陆续出版：学生、工人、市民、医护人员、士兵，各自讲述自己那一夜的位置。1990年代，丁子霖等人把难属的口述整理成书在海外刊行。进入互联网时代，这些文本被扫描、存档、镜像，删帖与存档的拉锯持续至今。本站的六四相关条目注明了一条原则：凡是只能在海外档案里读到的，本站注明出处与存档地；凡是至今无法核实的，本站宁可留白——对一场以遗忘为官方政策的事件，档案工作的第一步是承认哪些部分已经被夺走了。Memory preserved underground: After the crackdown, writing about June Fourth went underground and overseas. From the second half of 1989, poems describing the square and the gunfire began circulating in hand copies — researchers call them the “June Fourth poems,” answering the Tiananmen Poems of 1976 across a generation, likewise ballpoint pens, exercise books and networks of trust. Collections of participants' testimony were published abroad one after another: students, workers, citizens, medical staff and soldiers each recounting where they stood that night. In the 1990s, Ding Zilin and others compiled the families' oral accounts into books published overseas. In the internet era these texts have been scanned, archived and mirrored, in a tug-of-war with deletion that continues today. This site's June Fourth entries follow a stated principle: whatever can be read only in overseas archives is cited with its source and place of keeping; whatever cannot be verified is left blank — for an event whose official policy is forgetting, the first step of archival work is admitting which parts have already been taken.
每年的广场：1989年之后，天安门广场在每年6月3日、4日都会进入一种特殊状态：开放如常，安检加密，纪念碑周围和广场边缘总有比平时多得多的便衣与巡逻人员；带着鲜花和黑纱的人会被盘查，举起相机对着纪念碑停留过久的人会被劝离。这种状态持续了三十多年，成为一种不需要宣布的制度。2019年六四三十周年，全球数十个城市举行纪念活动，仅台北的晚会就有数千人参加，被认为是海外纪念规模最大的一年之一。同年6月4日的北京，广场上下着小雨，游客照常排队安检——在官方的镜头里，那一天和任何一天没有区别。区别只存在于一些人的日历上：难属们在这一天被“旅游”，活动人士在这一天被“喝茶”，而这座广场本身，在这一天被自己的历史围住。The square, every year: Since 1989, Tiananmen Square enters a special state every June 3 and 4: open as usual, but with tightened security checks, and far more plainclothes officers and patrols than normal around the monument and the square's edges. People carrying flowers or black armbands are questioned; anyone lingering too long with a camera pointed at the monument is moved along. This state has lasted over thirty years — an institution that needs no announcement. In 2019, at the thirtieth anniversary, commemorations were held in dozens of cities worldwide; Taipei's vigil alone drew several thousand, making it among the largest years of overseas commemoration. That same June 4 in Beijing, light rain fell on the square and tourists queued for security checks as usual — in official footage, the day was indistinguishable from any other. The difference exists only in some people's calendars: on that day the families are taken on “trips,” activists are taken for “tea,” and the square itself is surrounded by its own history.
处决的公示：1989年6月下旬的处决，是带着公示性质进行的。官方媒体公布了部分被处决者的姓名、罪名和照片，报道的口径是“罪大恶极的暴徒”。大赦国际当年发出的紧急行动记录显示，仅6月21日至22日，北京就处决了至少八名被判死刑的人，上海在处决徐国明等三名工人后，6月下旬又执行了数人。这些案件从抓捕到执行，普遍只有两三周：没有公开的上诉过程，没有家属告别的记录，有家属是在电台广播里听到亲人已经被处决的消息。处决的公开性本身就是刑罚的一部分——它要惩罚的不只是死者，还包括每一个在电视机前认出那张脸的人：邻居、同事、工友，以及此后三十年不敢再提这个名字的家人。Executions as display: The executions of late June 1989 were carried out with a publicity function. State media published some of the executed men's names, charges and photographs, under the formula “extremely heinous rioters.” Amnesty International's urgent actions from the time record that on June 21–22 alone, Beijing executed at least eight men under death sentence; Shanghai, after executing Xu Guoming and the two other workers, executed several more in late June. From arrest to execution these cases generally ran two to three weeks: no public appeal process, no record of family farewells; some families learned from a radio broadcast that their relative had already been shot. The publicity was itself part of the punishment — meant to punish not only the dead but everyone who recognized a face on the television screen: neighbors, colleagues, workmates, and the families who for thirty years afterward did not dare speak the name again.
抗命的军长：戒严部队里也有拒绝执行的人。陆军第三十八集团军军长徐勤先接到率部进京执行戒严的命令后，称病拒绝带兵入城，并要求上级出具书面命令；据后来流出的谈话记录，他对来传达命令的人说，宁肯杀头也不能做历史的罪人。此后他被撤职审查，1990年被军事法庭以抗命罪（一说违抗命令罪）判处有期徒刑五年，在秦城监狱服刑。他的案子长期不对外公开，庭审录像和谈话记录多年后才陆续流出，成为研究1989年军队执行环节的关键档案。一名集团军军长拒绝带兵，尚且被关进监狱；当晚在长安街上用身体挡军车的工人和市民，面对的是同一台命令机器，他们的拒绝没有留下姓名，只留下了后果。The general who refused: There were refusals inside the martial-law troops as well. Xu Qinxian, commander of the PLA's 38th Group Army, ordered to lead his troops into Beijing to enforce martial law, pleaded illness, refused to march, and demanded the order in writing; according to the later-leaked record of the conversation, he told the officers conveying the order that he would rather lose his head than become a sinner in history. He was removed and investigated, and in 1990 a military court sentenced him to five years in prison, which he served in Qincheng. His case was kept from the public for years; the trial video and the conversation records surfaced only much later, becoming key archives for studying how the military carried out 1989. If even an army commander who refused was sent to prison, the workers and residents who blocked the convoys with their bodies on Chang'an Avenue that night were facing the same machine — their refusal left no names, only consequences.
飞虎队：戒严令下，北京市民还自发组织起一支摩托车队，穿梭于各路口之间传递军队调动的消息，运送食物、药品和堵路物资，被市民称作飞虎队。成员多是摩托车爱好者和普通职工，没有登记，没有制服，靠暗号和熟脸相认。6月3日夜里，这支车队又成了转运伤员的主力之一：后座上绑着担架和门板，把伤者从西长安街一带送往附近医院。镇压之后，部分成员被追查，但这支队伍从未有过名单——它存在于许多亲历者的回忆里，细节互有出入，存在本身却无人否认。本站在记录时只取多源一致的部分：1989年春天的北京，普通人自发的信息与后勤网络，曾经跑得比官方的广播更快。The Flying Tigers: Under martial law, Beijing residents also organized a motorcycle corps of their own, shuttling between intersections with news of troop movements and carrying food, medicine and roadblock materials; residents called them the Flying Tigers. Its members were mostly motorcycle enthusiasts and ordinary workers — no registry, no uniforms, recognizing each other by signals and familiar faces. On the night of June 3 the corps became one of the main ways the wounded were moved: stretchers and door planks lashed to back seats, carrying the injured from the western Chang'an Avenue area to nearby hospitals. Some members were investigated afterward, but the corps never had a roster — it exists in many participants' memoirs, differing in detail, undisputed in its existence. This site records only what multiple sources agree on: in the spring of 1989, an improvised network of ordinary people, for a time, ran faster than the official broadcasts.
徐勤先的晚年：刑满出狱之后，徐勤先被开除党籍和军籍，在河北石家庄低调度过余生，谢绝了绝大多数采访。多年以后，他的庭审录像片段流出，他在晚年访谈中再次表示，对当年的拒绝不后悔。2021年初，他在石家庄病逝，终年八十六岁。一名集团军军长，用拒绝执行命令的方式，在一份写满服从的执行名单上留下了唯一的异议——而他的名字能被今天的人知道，靠的不是官方的记录，是档案的泄漏。Xu Qinxian's later years: After his release, Xu Qinxian was expelled from the Party and the army and lived quietly in Shijiazhuang, Hebei, declining nearly all interviews. When fragments of his trial video leaked years later, he said again in late-life interviews that he did not regret his refusal. He died in Shijiazhuang in early 2021, aged eighty-six. An army commander who left the sole dissent on a roster otherwise filled with obedience — and the fact that his name is known today owes nothing to official records, and everything to leaked archives.