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李卓人Lee Cheuk-yan

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一、上海出生、工程出身与工运起点（1957—1989）1. Shanghai Birth, Engineering, and the Labour Movement (1957–1989)

李卓人1957年2月12日生于上海，1959年随家人移居香港。他在香港大学土木工程系毕业（1978年），第一份工程师工作令他接触到工伤工人与恶劣的工业安全环境——1970年代末的香港，工厂工伤频仍、赔偿无门。1980年代初，他加入香港基督教工业委员会，全职投身劳工运动，自此四十余年没有离开：组织工伤者家属、支援罢工、推动劳工法例，是他前半生的主线。他后来在2026年支联会案审讯中自述，这段经历塑造了他对工人权利与民主的终身承诺。Lee Cheuk-yan was born in Shanghai on February 12, 1957, and moved to Hong Kong with his family in 1959. He graduated in civil engineering from the University of Hong Kong in 1978; his first engineering job brought him face to face with injured workers and dismal industrial safety in late-1970s Hong Kong, where factory injuries were frequent and compensation hard to obtain. In the early 1980s he joined the Hong Kong Christian Industrial Committee and went full-time into the labour movement, where he stayed for over forty years: organising injured workers' families, supporting strikes, and pushing labour legislation. Testifying at the Alliance trial in 2026, he said this experience shaped his lifelong commitment to workers' rights and democracy.

1980年代的香港工运处于低潮，独立工会力量薄弱。李卓人参与组织塑胶、电子、建筑等行业工人，1989年北京学运爆发时，他已是香港支援民运的核心人物之一——这段经历把他与「六四」此后三十七年的命运绑在一起。Hong Kong's labour movement was weak in the 1980s and independent unions frail. Lee organised workers in plastics, electronics and construction. When the Beijing student movement erupted in 1989 he was already among the core figures of Hong Kong's support campaign — the experience that bound his fate to June Fourth for the next thirty-seven years.

二、1989年北京之行、支联会与职工盟三十年2. Beijing 1989, the Alliance, and Three Decades of the HKCTU

1989年5月，香港市民支援爱国民主运动联合会（支联会）成立，李卓人是创会成员。六四镇压之后，他亲自带着香港市民的捐款前往北京，试图转交北京学生与市民；镇压后的北京戒严未退，他一度被当局扣留问话，其后被驱逐返港。返港后他年年站在维园晚会台上——从青年工运领袖站到白发。支联会的五大纲领中，「结束一党专政」是他参与制定、并在此后三十年公开宣讲的纲领之一；2026年，正是这六个字成为对他的定罪核心。In May 1989 the Hong Kong Alliance was founded, with Lee as a founding member. After the June 4 crackdown he personally carried Hong Kong citizens' donations to Beijing to deliver to students and residents; with martial law still in force he was detained and questioned by the authorities, then expelled back to Hong Kong. Thereafter he stood on the Victoria Park vigil stage year after year, from young labour leader to grey-haired veteran. Of the Alliance's five goals, 'end one-party dictatorship' was one he helped frame and proclaimed publicly for thirty years; in 2026 those words became the core of his conviction.

1990年，李卓人创立香港职工会联盟（职工盟），长期任秘书长、其后任主席。职工盟是香港最大的独立工会联合会，与北京支持的工联会对峙三十年。1995年至2016年，李卓人任立法会议员（劳工界及新界西），推动通过集体谈判条例等法例——该条例1997年通过后，于主权移交后被临时立法会废除，成为他议会生涯的标志性败绩。他参与创立工党（2011年），并长期任支联会主席（2008—2014年及2019年解散前夕接任），与何俊仁轮替主持支联会。In 1990 Lee founded the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions (HKCTU), serving for years as general secretary and later chair — Hong Kong's largest independent union federation, counterweight for thirty years to the Beijing-backed Federation of Trade Unions. From 1995 to 2016 he sat in the Legislative Council (labour constituency and New Territories West), driving through measures such as a collective-bargaining ordinance — passed in 1997, then repealed by the provisional legislature after the handover, the emblematic defeat of his parliamentary career. He co-founded the Labour Party in 2011 and chaired the Alliance in two stretches (2008–2014, and again from 2019 to its dissolution), alternating at its helm with Albert Ho.

三、2019—2021年：集结案判刑链3. 2019–2021: The Assembly Sentences

2020年2月28日清晨，警方上门拘捕李卓人，指他参与2019年8月31日游行；4月18日，他再与另外十四名民主派人士同日被捕，涉2019年多场游行。2021年，判刑接连到来：4月16日，2019年8月18日「流水式集会」案，他认罪判监十四个月；5月28日，2019年10月1日游行案再判十四个月，两案合并实际服刑共二十个月（传媒普遍以此口径报道）；同年10月，2019年10月20日游行案判监十四个月，同期执行；12月13日，2020年六四烛光晚会案，他因组织被禁止的晚会判监十四个月，同期执行。自2021年4月入狱起，他没有再离开过监狱——集结案的刑期尚未服完，国安案的还押已经接上。At dawn on February 28, 2020, police arrested Lee at home over the August 31, 2019 march; on April 18 he was arrested again with fourteen other democrats over the 2019 marches. The sentences came in sequence through 2021: on April 16, fourteen months on a guilty plea for the August 18, 2019 rally; on May 28, fourteen months for the October 1, 2019 march — the two combining, as widely reported, into twenty months actually to be served; in October, fourteen months for the October 20, 2019 march, concurrent; and on December 13, fourteen months for organising the banned June 4, 2020 vigil, also concurrent. From April 2021 he never left prison: before the assembly sentences ran out, national-security remand took over seamlessly.

与李卓人同案判刑的有黎智英、李柱铭、何俊仁等香港民主运动的整整一代领导层。被追诉的活动无一涉及暴力：游行、集会、点烛。李卓人在各案求情时反复陈述同一立场：和平集会是《基本法》与《人权法案》保障的权利，他组织游行四十年，从未主张暴力。这套陈述在2021年的法庭上没有换来轻判，在2026年的法庭上则被控方用作其「一贯立场」的注脚。Sentenced alongside Lee were Jimmy Lai, Martin Lee, Albert Ho — a whole generation of Hong Kong's democracy leadership. None of the prosecuted activities involved violence: marches, rallies, candles. In mitigation Lee restated one position throughout: peaceful assembly is a right guaranteed by the Basic Law and the Bill of Rights; he had organised marches for forty years and never advocated violence. The plea earned no leniency in 2021; in the 2026 courtroom the prosecution used the same consistency as a footnote against him.

2020年6月4日晚的细节值得单独记录：警方以疫情为由首次禁止维园晚会之后，李卓人与支联会成员仍进入维园，点起烛光、献花悼念，现场有数千市民自发聚集。这一晚其后被拆成刑事案件：李卓人被控煽惑他人参与未经批准集结、组织及参与集结，2021年12月13日判监十四个月；同案的黎智英判十三个月、邹幸彤十二个月。悼念三十一年从未缺席的人，在第三十二年因到场点烛入狱——而他当时已经因为2019年的游行在服刑。维园晚会自此成为历史名词：2022年至2026年，每年六四，维园一带只有警察巡逻与零星被截查的市民。The night of June 4, 2020 deserves its own entry. After police banned the Victoria Park vigil for the first time, citing COVID-19, Lee and Alliance members still entered the park, lit candles and laid flowers, as several thousand residents gathered spontaneously. That evening was later disassembled into criminal cases: Lee was charged with inciting, organising and taking part in an unauthorised assembly, and on December 13, 2021 jailed for fourteen months; in the same case Jimmy Lai received thirteen months and Chow Hang-tung twelve. A man who had never missed the vigil in thirty-one years was jailed in the thirty-second for showing up with a candle — while already serving time for the 2019 marches. The Victoria Park vigil has since become a historical term: from 2022 to 2026, every June 4, the park's vicinity has seen only police patrols and the occasional stopped-and-searched passer-by.

四、狱中加控：支联会国安案4. Charged from Prison: The Alliance Case

2021年8月25日，警方国安处指支联会为「外国代理人」并索取资料（详见本站何俊仁档案）。9月8日，邹幸彤等常委被捕；9月9日，身在狱中的李卓人被落案起诉，与支联会、何俊仁、邹幸彤同控「煽动他人颠覆国家政权罪」。他在赤柱监狱的探访室里得知自己多了一条最高刑期十年的国安控罪——此时离他服完集结案刑期还有一年多，保释申请则在国安法第42条的高门槛下屡次被拒。On August 25, 2021, the National Security Department branded the Alliance a 'foreign agent' and demanded its records (see this site's Albert Ho file). Committee members including Chow Hang-tung were arrested on September 8; on September 9, Lee — already in prison — was charged with 'inciting others to subvert state power,' together with the Alliance, Ho and Chow. He learned in a Stanley Prison visiting room that he faced a national-security count carrying up to ten years, with more than a year of his assembly sentences still to run and bail applications repeatedly refused under Article 42's high threshold.

同案的程序拖延与何俊仁案完全同步：交付高等法院、审期从2025年5月延至11月、再延至2026年1月22日。李卓人在还押期间多次申请保释均被拒，理由是国安案件的推定不保释。2025年12月10日世界人权日，国际特赦组织与多个法律及公民社会组织发表联合声明，点名要求释放李卓人与邹幸彤，指出二人审前羁押时长是香港国安案件平均值的四倍以上；联合国任意拘留问题工作组2023年已裁定同案邹幸彤的拘留属任意拘留，声明认为同一理据适用于李卓人。The case's delays mirrored Ho's exactly: committal to the High Court, trial dates moved from May 2025 to November, then to January 22, 2026. Lee's repeated bail applications were refused under the national-security presumption against bail. On Human Rights Day, December 10, 2025, Amnesty International and a coalition of legal and civil-society organisations issued a joint statement naming Lee and Chow, demanding their release and noting their pre-trial detention ran to more than four times the Hong Kong national-security average; the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had already ruled Chow's detention arbitrary in 2023, a reasoning the statement said applied equally to Lee.

五、职工盟的解散与墙内墙外5. The HKCTU Dissolves; Inside and Outside the Walls

2021年10月3日，职工盟举行特别会员大会，通过解散决议。彼时李卓人身在狱中，职工盟秘书长是他的妻子邓燕娥。职工盟有三十一年历史、属会逾七十个；在《国安法》下，亲北京传媒连月指控职工盟收受外国资金、「勾结外国势力」，职工盟在解散声明中只说：在现时的政治气氛下，会员对继续运作的风险感到忧虑。香港独立工运的旗舰，在其创办人无法出席的大会上落幕。On October 3, 2021, the HKCTU voted at a special general meeting to dissolve. Lee was in prison; the confederation's general secretary was his wife, Elizabeth Tang. The HKCTU had thirty-one years of history and more than seventy affiliated unions. Under the National Security Law, pro-Beijing media had for months accused it of taking foreign money and 'colluding with foreign forces'; its dissolution statement said only that, in the current political climate, members feared the risks of continuing. The flagship of Hong Kong's independent labour movement ended at a meeting its founder could not attend.

李卓人的狱中生活靠妻子探访与传媒采访拼凑出轮廓：他先后羁押于石壁监狱与赤柱监狱，体重下降数公斤；在狱中读圣经、看NBA、学画画、学法文，每天为自己安排日程。邓燕娥2026年对传媒说，他的心法是「过好每一天」，并反过来安慰家人：没结果、想不到的事，就不要想。他的狱中书信由妻子带出发表，写自由、写团聚、写对工人的惦念。这些细节来自邓燕娥在2026年判刑前后接受BBC中文与《绿豆》等传媒的专访——五年半里，这是外界了解李卓人状态的主要渠道。Lee's prison life can be pieced together from his wife's visits and her media interviews: held at Shek Pik and then Stanley Prison, he lost several kilograms; inside, he reads the Bible, watches NBA games, draws, learns French, and plans each day deliberately. In 2026 Tang told reporters his method is to 'live each day well,' and that he consoles the family in return: don't dwell on what has no answer yet. His prison letters, carried out by his wife and published, write of freedom, reunion, and the workers on his mind. These details come from Tang's interviews with BBC Chinese and Green Bean Media around the 2026 sentencing — for five and a half years, the main window onto Lee's condition.

六、2026年审讯：法庭上的李卓人6. The 2026 Trial: Lee in the Dock

2026年1月22日，支联会案在西九龙裁判法院开审，三名国安法指定法官李运腾、黎婉姬、陈仲衡审理，无陪审团。何俊仁认罪；李卓人、邹幸彤不认罪受审。李卓人出庭作证，他向法庭陈述：1989年六四的经历塑造了他的一生；支联会要求结束的是「专政」，是让人民享有基本权利、由人民决定由谁领导；他对中共没有敌意——据审讯报道，他在庭上说，自己心中无敌意，只有爱。这番话与其四十年的公开主张一字不差：法庭要审判的立场，他从未打算收回。The Alliance trial opened on January 22, 2026 at the West Kowloon Law Courts before designated judges Alex Lee, Amanda Woodcock and Johnny Chan, without a jury. Ho pleaded guilty; Lee and Chow stood trial. Lee testified: the experience of June 4, 1989 had shaped his life; what the Alliance sought to end was 'dictatorship' — that people should enjoy basic rights and decide who leads them; he bore the CCP no enmity. Trial reports recorded him saying in court that there was no enmity in his heart, only love. The words matched forty years of public advocacy exactly: the position on trial was one he never intended to retract.

2026年8月21日，法庭裁定李卓人、邹幸彤及支联会罪成。判词认定「结束一党专政」指向推翻、破坏中国宪法确立的根本制度，构成以「其他非法手段」煽动颠覆；同时确认本案不涉及暴力或威胁使用暴力，被告没有提出实现纲领的具体方法或时间表。9月11日判刑，李卓人判监七年。宣判时他神情平静、向旁听席微笑，被带离法庭时低头祈祷；其妻邓燕娥在庭外表示刑期令人痛心，并确认他将提出上诉。李卓人、邹幸彤其后已就定罪与刑期正式提出上诉。On August 21, 2026, the court convicted Lee, Chow and the Alliance. The judgment held that 'end one-party dictatorship' aimed at overthrowing and undermining the fundamental system established by China's constitution, amounting to incitement by 'other unlawful means' — while recording that the case involved no violence or threat of violence, and no concrete method or timetable for achieving the goal. On September 11 Lee was sentenced to seven years. He was calm at sentencing, smiled towards the gallery, and was seen praying as he was led from the dock. Outside court, Tang called the sentence deeply painful and confirmed he would appeal. Lee and Chow have since formally appealed both conviction and sentence.

七、妻子邓燕娥：从探监路到被国安拘捕7. Elizabeth Tang: The Visiting Route and Her Own Arrest

邓燕娥（娥姐）与李卓人相伴四十余年，两人是工运战友：她长期任职工盟秘书长，是香港独立工运的另一面旗帜。李卓人入狱后，她定期到赤柱监狱探访，成为丈夫与外界之间的桥。2023年3月9日，她在赤柱监狱探监后离开时，被守候的国安处人员拘捕，指她涉嫌「勾结外国或者境外势力危害国家安全」；亲北京传媒事前已在场拍摄拘捕过程并独家发放影片。她其后获准保释候查；截至2026年10月，未见她被起诉的公开报道。一位探监的妻子，在监狱门口成为国安案件的嫌疑人——这段经过是理解香港国安执法「株连」质感的实证。Elizabeth Tang has been Lee's partner for over forty years and his comrade in the labour movement, long the HKCTU's general secretary and herself a standard-bearer of independent unionism. After his imprisonment she visited Stanley Prison regularly, his bridge to the outside. On March 9, 2023, as she left a prison visit, waiting National Security Department officers arrested her on suspicion of 'colluding with foreign or external forces to endanger national security'; pro-Beijing media, present in advance, filmed the arrest and released exclusive footage. She was bailed pending investigation; as of October 2026, no charge against her has been publicly reported. A wife on a prison visit became a national-security suspect at the prison gate — as concrete an illustration as any of the family reach of Hong Kong's security enforcement.

判刑前夕，邓燕娥接受BBC中文专访，细述四十年相伴：1980年代的工运、1989年丈夫北京被扣的风波、组织相继解散、五年半的探监路。她说两人是「互相撑着」——他在墙内过好每一天，她在墙外过好每一天。专访播出时，李卓人69岁，刑期七年；按还押折抵计算的实际获释日期未有官方公布，但无论如何，这对夫妇要在探访室里再见许多年。On the eve of sentencing, Tang gave BBC Chinese a long interview: forty years together — the labour movement of the 1980s, her husband's detention in Beijing in 1989, the organisations dissolved one by one, five and a half years of prison visits. They 'hold each other up,' she said: he lives each day well inside the walls; she lives each day well outside them. When the interview aired, Lee was sixty-nine, facing seven years. No official release date, net of remand credit, has been published; by any calculation, this couple faces many more years of meeting in a visiting room.

八、国际反应：工会世界与联合国、欧洲议会8. International Response: The Labour World, the UN, the European Parliament

李卓人是本批案件中在国际工会体系内声援网络最完整的一人。国际工会联合会（ITUC）在他被捕、被判刑的每个节点发表声明，要求释放并谴责对独立工运的镇压；香港劳权监察（流亡英国的前职工盟成员创办）在2026年定罪与判刑后发表声明指出：表达与结社自由是工会主义本身的基础权利，李卓人被判刑开创了以言入罪工会领袖的先例。2022年，他获颁团结组织SOLIDAR的「银玫瑰」终身成就奖，颁奖与其工运生涯的国际声誉有关——领奖时他身在狱中。Of this group of defendants, Lee has the deepest support network in the international labour movement. The International Trade Union Confederation issued statements at every stage — arrest, sentencing — demanding his release and condemning the suppression of independent unionism. The Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor, founded in British exile by former HKCTU members, said after the 2026 conviction that freedom of expression and association are foundational to trade unionism itself, and that jailing Lee for speech set a precedent reaching far beyond Hong Kong. In 2022 he received the Silver Rose lifetime achievement award from SOLIDAR, honouring his standing in the international labour movement — he was in prison when it was presented.

法律与人权层面：联合国任意拘留问题工作组2023年第30/2023号意见认定同案邹幸彤属任意拘留；国际特赦组织2025年12月联合声明点名要求释放李卓人。2026年9月判刑后，联合国人权高专办表示判刑「令人遗憾」，人权高专呼吁撤销定罪；欧洲议会以459票对12票通过决议谴责判刑并呼吁制裁香港行政长官。全球多地工会与港人团体在判刑后举行抗议集会——对一个工会领袖而言，声援他的是他服务了一生的运动本身。On the legal and human-rights side: the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention's Opinion 30/2023 found co-defendant Chow's detention arbitrary; Amnesty's December 2025 joint statement named Lee for release. After the September 2026 sentencing, the UN Human Rights Office called the sentences 'regrettable' and its High Commissioner urged the convictions be quashed; the European Parliament condemned them 459 votes to 12 and called for sanctions on Hong Kong's Chief Executive. Unions and Hong Kong diaspora groups protested in cities worldwide after sentencing — for a union leader, the movement he served all his life is the movement now speaking for him.

官方反应亦应存档：判刑后，香港特区政府发表声明支持裁决，称裁决彰显《国安法》的震慑作用，任何危害国家安全的行为必依法惩处；行政长官李家超表态指任何意图颠覆国家政权者将依法追究。建制派议员与亲北京传媒普遍欢迎判刑，称其为「迟来的正义」。同日，联合国人权高专呼吁撤销定罪、欧洲议会以压倒票数谴责——同一个判决，在香港官方话语与国际人权话语中是两件完全不同的事。本站的档案责任，是把两边的原文与票数都记下来。The official reaction belongs in the archive too. After sentencing, the Hong Kong SAR government issued a statement supporting the verdict, saying it demonstrated the National Security Law's deterrent effect and that acts endangering national security would be punished according to law; Chief Executive John Lee said anyone intending to subvert state power would be held accountable. Pro-establishment legislators and pro-Beijing media welcomed the sentences as 'belated justice.' The same day, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights urged the convictions be quashed and the European Parliament condemned them by an overwhelming vote — one judgment, two entirely different events in official Hong Kong discourse and in international human-rights discourse. This archive's duty is to record both, with their texts and their vote counts.

九、议会与街头：最低工资、集体谈判与四十年抗争方法9. Parliament and Street: Minimum Wage, Collective Bargaining, and a Method

理解李卓人的国安案，须先理解他四十年的方法：公开、群众、非暴力。他在立法会内推动的法案——集体谈判条例（1997年通过、移交后被废除）、最低工资（2010年立法、2011年实施，职工盟是主要推动者之一）、标准工时（推动多年未果）——每一条都经过议会辩论与街头动员的双轨。2005年世贸部长级会议在香港举行期间，他组织工会抗议全球化政策；2014年雨伞运动，他支援占领并参与公民抗命的承担。2019年，他是民间人权阵线多次百万人游行的组织者与台上发言者。换言之，2021年与2026年两批案件所追诉的行为模式——组织集会、公开发言、号召参与——正是他公开践行了四十年的方法本身。法律环境变了，行为没有变；同一套动作，前半生是议员的工作，后半生是颠覆的罪证。To understand Lee's national-security case, start with his forty-year method: open, mass, non-violent. The bills he drove in the legislature — collective bargaining (passed 1997, repealed after the handover), the minimum wage (legislated 2010, effective 2011, with the HKCTU a leading campaigner), standard working hours (pressed for years, never won) — each travelled the twin track of parliamentary debate and street mobilisation. During the 2005 WTO ministerial conference in Hong Kong he organised union protests against globalisation policy; in the 2014 Umbrella Movement he supported the occupation and shared in civil disobedience. In 2019 he was an organiser and platform speaker of the Civil Human Rights Front's million-strong marches. In other words, the conduct prosecuted in 2021 and 2026 — organising assemblies, speaking publicly, calling for participation — is precisely the method he practised openly for forty years. The legal weather changed; the conduct did not. The same repertoire was a legislator's work in his first life and evidence of subversion in his second.

李卓人与内地工人的联系是另一条暗线：他多次就内地独立工会、工人维权事件发声，职工盟与内地劳工团体保持交流——这也是北京方面视其为眼中钉的原因之一。在2026年审讯的作证中，他把工人权利与民主并列为一生志业，并拒绝将两者切割：没有言论与结社自由，工人就不可能真正组织起来。这句话既是他的辩护，也是工会运动的基本常识——而法庭最终将其主持的悼念组织定性为颠覆集团。Lee's ties to mainland workers were a second thread: he spoke repeatedly for independent unionism and workers' rights cases on the mainland, and the HKCTU maintained exchanges with mainland labour groups — one reason Beijing marked him out. Testifying in 2026, he placed workers' rights and democracy side by side as his life's work and refused to separate them: without freedom of speech and association, workers cannot truly organise. The sentence was both his defence and a commonplace of unionism — while the court ultimately classified the memorial organisation he chaired as a subversive group.

十、执行机构档案10. The Institutions on Record

李卓人案的执行链条：拘捕与调查为香港警务处（含2020年2月、4月的大抓捕）及国安处（支联会案的资料要求、拘捕、对其妻邓燕娥的拘捕）；检控为律政司刑事检控科；集结案由区域法院审理，支联会案由高等法院原讼法庭三名国安法指定法官审理（案件编号HCCC 155/2022），无陪审团；羁押与服刑由惩教署执行，其羁押地点包括石壁监狱与赤柱监狱——他是赤柱监狱探访室的常客家属名单上的在囚者，也是其妻在该监狱门口被国安带走时，墙内等待探访的人。资产冻结由警务处依《国安法》第43条实施细则执行。每一项决定都有作出决定的机构与日期，本站按公开记录逐项存档。The chain of institutions in Lee's case: arrests and investigation by the Hong Kong Police Force (the February and April 2020 arrests) and its National Security Department (the Alliance data demand and arrests, and the arrest of his wife Elizabeth Tang). Prosecution by the Department of Justice. The assembly cases were tried in the District Court; the Alliance case in the High Court's Court of First Instance before three designated national-security judges (HCCC 155/2022), without a jury. Custody by the Correctional Services Department at Shek Pik and Stanley prisons — Lee was the prisoner inside Stanley's visiting room, waiting, on the day national-security officers took his wife away at its gate. The asset freeze was imposed by the Commissioner of Police under the Article 43 implementation rules. Each decision has an institution and a date; this page archives them from the public record, one by one.

十一、判刑之日11. Sentencing Day

2026年9月11日上午，西九龙裁判法院判刑。旁听席上有陈日君枢机、李卓人的妻子邓燕娥、前支联会常委与大批支持者。李卓人与邹幸彤闻判前向旁听席微笑；何俊仁神情严肃。求情阶段，李卓人的代表律师陈述其数十年公共服务、工会工作与和平纪录；邓燕娥其后对传媒说，七年刑期「深深刺痛」，并确认丈夫会上诉。邹幸彤的母亲在庭外请支持者不要灰心。法庭外没有游行，没有标语——在2026年的香港，连到庭旁听本身都已是公开表态的主要形式。李卓人被押离法庭时低头祈祷的画面，经传媒传遍海外工会与港人社群。Sentencing took place on the morning of September 11, 2026, at the West Kowloon Law Courts. In the public gallery sat Cardinal Joseph Zen, Lee's wife Elizabeth Tang, former Alliance committee members and many supporters. Lee and Chow smiled towards the gallery before sentence; Ho looked grave. In mitigation, Lee's counsel set out decades of public service, union work and a record of peacefulness. Tang afterwards told media the seven-year term was 'deeply painful' and confirmed her husband would appeal. Chow's mother urged supporters outside court not to lose heart. There was no march and no banners — in the Hong Kong of 2026, simply attending in the gallery had itself become the main remaining form of public statement. The image of Lee praying as he was led from the dock travelled through overseas unions and Hong Kong diaspora communities.

量刑的基准值得逐字存档：国安法第23条「煽动颠覆国家政权罪」分两档——情节较轻者五年以下，情节严重者五至十年。法庭将本案列入「情节严重」，理由包括：案发时社会动荡不安、被告活动持续十四个月、全港性接触面广、被告在港有一定动员力与影响力、明知主张可能抵触宪法与国安法仍一意孤行、属有预谋。同一判词同时确认：无暴力、无威胁、无具体执行方法、无时间表。李卓人的七年位于「严重」档的中段——决定这七年的，不是他做了什么新的事，而是法庭如何评价他三十年来一直在做的事的影响力。The sentencing framework deserves verbatim archiving. Article 23 of the National Security Law sets two bands for inciting subversion: five years or less for lesser cases, five to ten years where the offence is 'of a serious nature.' The court placed this case in the serious band, citing the unsettled social climate, fourteen months of activity, territory-wide reach, the defendants' mobilisation capacity and influence, their persistence in a stance they believed might breach the constitution and the security law, and premeditation. The same judgment confirmed: no violence, no threats, no concrete method, no timetable. Lee's seven years sit mid-band. What fixed the number was not anything new he had done, but the court's assessment of the influence of what he had been doing for thirty years.

十二、现状（截至2026年10月）9. Current Status (as of October 2026)

李卓人目前在狱中服刑：支联会案刑期七年（2026年9月11日宣判），此前自2021年4月起从未离开羁押，上诉已提出，涵盖定罪与刑期。他实际获释日期取决于还押期折抵与狱中减刑，未有官方公布数字；坊间按不同口径推算的年份不一，本站以官方或法庭公布为准更新。他创立的职工盟解散已五年，支联会解散已五年，维园烛光晚会停办已七年。69岁的李卓人，是香港仍在狱中的资深工运领袖中年纪最长者之一。Lee Cheuk-yan is in prison: seven years in the Alliance case (sentenced September 11, 2026), in custody continuously since April 2021, with an appeal lodged against conviction and sentence. His actual release date depends on remand credit and remission, and no official figure has been published; estimates circulating under different assumptions differ, and this page will follow court or official announcements. The HKCTU he founded has been dissolved for five years; so has the Alliance; the Victoria Park vigil has not been held for seven. At sixty-nine, Lee is among the oldest of Hong Kong's senior labour leaders still behind bars.

本站点评Our Take

李卓人的一生可以被他的判刑理由完整概括：他组织工人、组织悼念、喊一句口号。法庭确认他没有暴力、没有威胁、没有行动计划，连控方都说不出「结束一党专政」要如何在一夜之间实现。就是这样一个人，被判了七年——如果加上2021年以来从未中断的羁押，他在墙内的总时长将逼近甚至超过十年。他的工会解散了，他的悼念组织解散了，他的妻子在探监路上被国安拘捕。这不是执法，这是一场针对「组织能力」本身的清除：一个社会里最会把散沙聚成力量的人，必须被关到不能再聚为止。Lee Cheuk-yan's life is fully summarised by the reasons for his sentence: he organised workers, organised remembrance, and repeated a slogan. The court confirmed there was no violence, no threat, and no plan of action; even the prosecution could not say how 'ending one-party dictatorship' was to happen overnight. For this, seven years — and counting his unbroken custody since 2021, his total time behind walls will approach or exceed a decade. His union is dissolved. His memorial organisation is dissolved. His wife was arrested by national-security police on her way out of a prison visit. This is not law enforcement; it is the elimination of organising capacity itself — a society's most practised gatherer of scattered people, locked away until he can gather no more.